Suhartoism lives
By Dara MacNeil
They may have forced a mass murderer from the presidential
palace, but Indonesian protesters have so far failed to dislodge
the corrupt social order he established. General Suharto may be
gone, but Suhartoism lives on.
The appointment of Baharuddin Jusuf Habibie as a successor to
Suharto demonstrates that the vested interests at the heart of
the system inaugurated by Suharto 32 years ago are still very
much in control of Indonesia.
Habibie, the former vice-president, is a recognised protégé of
Suharto. As the Minister for Research & Technology, Habibie
indulged the imperial fantasies of his genocidal superior by
funnelling huge amounts of state money into enormous, outlandish
projects.
Vast sums were spent establishing a shipbuilding company. The
plan was to construct the supertankers that would carry
Indonesia's oil overseas. But the company has been so
unsuccessful that Habibie was forced to rely on the intervention
of Suharto to fend off claims from the Indonesian revenue
services for $80 million in unpaid taxes, lodged against the
shipbuilding concern. The supertankers have been conspicuous by
their absence.
Habibie also heads the national aerospace company, IPTN. The
company was established to foster the development of a national
aircraft production capacity. Thus far, the only activity
attributed to IPTN - apart from the waste of billions of dollars
- was the sale of four small aircraft to a US-based company. And
that was in 1994.
The grandiose projects were an attempt to clothe the Suharto
regime in imperial splendour. They were also the classic symptoms
of the `Bokassa Syndrome', after Jean Bedel Bokassa of the tiny
Central African Republic. Bokassa also harboured delusions of
imperial grandeur.
In the early 1980s, he declared himself supreme emperor, and went
on empty the national coffers by spending millions on an
elaborate inauguration ceremony, complete with a solid gold,
jewel-studded throne. That lunatic was deposed in 1987.
Ironically, another pet project of Habibie's - a huge, triple
decker integrated transport terminal in Jakarta - was cancelled
as a result of pressure from the International Monetary Fund.
They said it was incompatible with austerity measures the regime
has introduced, in return for an IMF bailout to the tune of $40
billion.
Meanwhile, the same body forced through measures which resulted
in the doubling and tripling of prices for basic foodstuffs and
fuel. No wonder the IMF is more popularly known as the Institute
for Misery & Famine.
However, while Habibie may have been a spendthrift when it came
to other people's money, he proved remarkably thrifty with his
own investments. Not surprisingly, he played (and still plays) a
pivotal role in the operations of Indonesia Inc. - the sprawling
Suharto family business empire that seemed to encompass the
entire nation.
Habibie's two sons are business partners of two of Suharto's own
offspring. In addition, the current president was also gifted
with his very own free-trade zone, on Batam Island.
Central to Habibie's business activities is the Timsco Group.
Administered by the new president's son, Timsco operates joint
ventures in the chemical and telecommunications industries with
Suharto's family. It also has huge agricultural interests.
Perhaps all that can be said in favour of Habibie is that his
appointment as Suharto's successor could very likely trigger the
collapse of the entire regime.
He has no popular political base within the country. In addition,
he is disliked by the IMF and the currency markets. When Suharto
announced in January that Habibie was to be his vice-president,
international moneyed interests were prompt in their reaction.
Already at an historic low of 7,900 to the US dollar, Indonesia's
currency - the rupiah - immediately plummeted well below 10,000
to the US dollar.
Habibie's elevation to higher office is a none-too-subtle ploy to
derail the momentum of the opposition. While Suharto remained in
office, that momentum threatened to destroy the entire corrupt
system.
However, Habibie faces the same dilemma that faced his former
master. The IMF are also demanding that Indonesia significantly
liberalise its economy and reduce the role of the state in
economic life.
This neoliberal tonic, which has wreaked havoc elsewhere in the
world, means Habibie is faced with the prospect of having to
confront the vested economic interests at the heart of Indonesian
life. That means the armed forces, the generals and, of course,
the Suharto family empire in which Habibie plays a central role.
It is highly unlikely the newly-installed puppet ruler has either
the will or the wit to do so. Mr Habibie may not be with us for
much longer.
The theft of land in Brazil
Despite claims to the contrary, the Brazilian government has
never embarked on a serious programme of land reform. In fact, as
the activities of the mass-based Movement of the Landless (MST)
suggest, the problem of land distribution has worsened in recent
years.
Two years ago, for example, the Brazilian government simply
handed over the title deeds of a huge swathe of land to giant US
corporation, General Motors. That particular tract of land was
estimated to be worth some $258 million. The claims of hundreds
of landless families that had settled there and were working the
land, were simply ignored. As a result, a mere 1% of the
Brazilian population are estimated to own 46% of the country's
arable land.
In 1997, officials in the Brazilian state of Tocantins took
possession of some 105,590 hectares of land. The land is
apparently ideal for the production of soya beans. This new
agricultural venture has been developed in conjunction with
Japanese business interests.
However, the venture exists at the expense of 130 families who
actually live and work on the land. While some compensation was
paid out to landlords - many of them absentee - who held titles,
the claims of the 130 families have been dismissed.
This despite the fact that many of the families have lived and
worked this land for the last century. Indeed, in Brazilian law
that period of occupancy actually means they have a legal right
to that land.
A number of local groups - including some Irish priests - have
been campaigning with the families for a just solution to this
problem. They refuse to be made landless and homeless in order to
further the interests of Japanese corporations and banks, and
their native equivalents. The settlers have demanded that
development of the soya bean venture be suspended until they have
been adequately compensated for their loss. If the project is to
proceed, they rightfully demand that they be given compensation
for the loss of their homes and crops, along with legal title to
land nearby. What they ask is no more than a matter of simple
justice.
It should not even be a matter for debate.
yone wishing to support the families of Campos Lindos, in
Tocantins state, should communicate their disgust to the
Brazilian and Japanese embassies.
The 1913 Rising?
Although not from far afield, this is still foreign news as it
relates to the activities (or lack of them) of a foreign monarch.
Referring to the proposed visit to these shores of Britain's most
senior regal one, a newsreader of Rupert Murdoch's Sky News
recently informed viewers that, if the visit went ahead, it would
be the first of its kind since this jurisdiction ``achieved
independence in 1913.'' So it would appear that the revisionist
historians and their cheerleaders in the media have been right
all along. That whole 1916 business was a complete waste of time
after all.
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