Untried paths - strange vistas
By Mícheál Mac Donncha
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Many things about the talks outcome are uncertain and open to
numerous interpretations but one thing is certain. This is not a
final settlement of the Anglo-Irish conflict
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However you view the outcome of the multi-party talks which
concluded on Good Friday there is absolutely no doubt that once
again the Irish political landscape has been transformed. A
geological upheaval has occurred. Familiar landmarks are missing;
new obstacles and dangers have appeared; untried paths and
strange vistas have opened up and they hold both perils and
opportunities; everyone is challenged.
Many things about the talks outcome are uncertain and open to
numerous interpretations but one thing is certain. This is not a
final settlement of the Anglo-Irish conflict. More than any other
group, republicans are conscious of that. They know that anything
which falls short of national self-determination for the Irish
people is not, and never will be, enough finally to settle the
relationships between Ireland and Britain and among all sections
of the Irish people. For that reason the republican struggle
exists and will continue to exist until its goal is achieved.
There are many doubts about the talks outcome among republicans;
there are also great hopes and a determination to address the new
situation as positively as possible. It has been said before but
it is true now more than ever - a new phase of struggle has
begun.
Republicans are assessing this new situation. They should base
their judgements on the talks document itself, on the wider
political context, on republican objectives and on a strategic
view of how we move forward from this point. They should not
allow their assessment to be distorted by the hypes, spins and
pressures of media management. Watching the negotiations unfold
in the media last week was unavoidable but by now republicans
should be switching off their TV sets and spending less time
reading newspapers. Instead they should be reading the document
and doing some hard thinking. They should be discussing it with
their comrades. They should be consulting supporters of the
struggle and taking soundings of opinion among the general
public.
There is no doubt that the decisions to be made by republicans in
the days and weeks ahead will be momentous. All republicans have
to be part of the decision-making process. Unity must be the
watchword.
What needs to be assessed?
The overarching question is ``Can this outcome advance the drive
to national unity and independence, or, at least, not delay it?''
Some others will attempt to use this outcome to stabilise
partition and British rule; republicans must make their
judgements on the basis of their ability not only to thwart such
reactionary efforts, but to turn the situation in a progressive
direction.
What are the positive features of the document? This needs to be
looked at not only in terms of the actual text but in the overall
political significance of the positive aspects. For example, it
could be argued that the very inclusion of policing and prisoners
and the Irish language has implications far beyond the actual
commitments, many of which are scant enough.
On the other hand in policing it could be argued that the issue
has been put on the long finger.
But has the way been opened for real and fundamental change here?
Has the RUC's future been thrown in the melting pot?
Undoubteldly the commitments on prisoners are of central
importance. A word of caution is needed, though. Media spins
often wilfully misinterpret republican attitudes on this issue.
Throughout this process republican prisoners have made clear that
they will not be used as pawns or bargaining chips for political
`concessions'. Sinn Féin has said exactly the same, emphasising
repeatedly that all political prisoners must be released as part
of the resolution of the conflict. There has been much silly talk
in the media this week about the nine releases from Portlaoise
acting as a `sweetener' in advance of the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis.
Proponents of such thinking patronise republicans by their
approach. This struggle is not about the release of prisoners but
about freedom and peace in Ireland. The prisoners themselves are
activists in the struggle and they, with all other republicans,
are part of the debate and decision making about the future of
the struggle and the correct course which needs to be taken.
The constitutional questions are fundamental. Is what is proposed
in the document `balanced constitutional change'? Again the
judgement needs to be made both on the actual text of the
proposed changes in the 1937 Constitution and in British
legislation, and on the wider political implications of these.
What are the consequences of a new assembly in the Six Counties?
How does the apparently inextricable link between the existence
of an assembly and the cross-border bodies affect the nature and
ethos of that assembly?
It is natural that Articles 2 and 3 would be dominant
considerations for people in the 26 Counties and that the
Assembly would preoccupy those in the Six. But people on both
sides of the border need to look at this new scenario in all its
aspects. It has implications for everyone on this island, for the
nature and potential development of both states, and for the
prospects of reunification.
How does this outcome affect the relationship between the Irish
people as a whole and the British government? What are the
political, ideological and psychological implications for the
British body politic of such a major step as this by a British
government? Is the devolution of powers away from Westminster
towards Wales and Scotland an important consideration?
These are just some of the questions that need to debated by
republicans now.
Staunchly supportive communities are eager both to have their
imput into decision-making and to respond to leadership. Our
debates must be conducted and our decisions made calmly and in
comradeship. The only pressure to which we should respond should
be our determination to achieve our political objectives.
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