No one ever celebrated Devolution Day
Next week the people of Scotland decide whether to have a
devolved parliament. David Hewitt looks at why they aren't
terribly excited about it all
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The Scottish referendum on Thursday 11 September will have two
parts. The first will ask the Scottish people if they want a
devolved parliament. The second will ask if they want that
parliament to have limited tax-raising powers.
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Thursday 11 September will, arguably, be the most momentous day
in Scottish politics since 1979 - the date of the last referendum
on Scottish `Home Rule'. Then the Scots voted narrowly in favour
of a devolved Assembly, but were denied it due to the infamous
40% rule, which determined that an acceptable majority must
include a minimum of 40% of the electorate - the vote was
narrowly short of that mark.
The bill and the government fell, the rest is history. But
throughout 18 years of Tory government the embers of home rule
sentiment burned dimly. Perhaps as a reaction to seemingly
interminable Thatcherite rule, the Labour Party and most of civic
society in the form of the Constitutional Convention worked
diligently to resurrect the `project'.
It is, therefore, a little surprising that just a few days away
from what is widely predicted to be an endorsement of the
government's white paper on a Scottish Parliament, the campaign
to secure a Yes-Yes vote in the referendum that will deliver home
rule is lacklustre and flat. What has been called the `settled
will of the Scottish people' - that is, a devolved parliament
within the Union - seems incapable of gripping the imagination of
the people.
The reasons for this may lie in the nature of the forces that
produced this initiative, and more importantly, the underlying
reasons for it.
Historically, Labour have advanced nationalist policies in order
to outflank the perceived threat from the Scottish National
Party. Many in the Labour Party believe a Scottish Parliament
will inevitably lead to the demise of nationalism and will
therefore strengthen the Union. The makeup of the Constitutional
Convention, on whose blueprint the current proposals are based,
lends weight to that view. The Labour Party, Trades Unions, the
churches, Local Authorities and the political parties (with the
exception of the SNP and the Tories) - comprise the Scottish
establishment, whose interests have been well served by the Union
throughout the 300 years of its existence and who would be
reluctant, therefore, to see it go.
The SNP, who shunned the Constitutional Convention, only recently
joined Scotland Forward, the cross party campaign for a double
yes vote in the referendum. This decision - to accept a
constitutional set-up that falls well short of their declared aim
of Independence - was made inevitable by the scale of Labour's
General Election win and the failure of the SNP to make
substantial advances. For the pragmatic SNP there was no other
game in town and Labour's Parliament would be better than the
status quo.
In addition, an imperfect Parliament will not answer the West
Lothian question - why should Scottish MPs be able to make
decisions on issues that affect England, such as education, while
English MPs will have no influence over Scottish education
because it will be controlled by the Scottish Parliament? Nor
will it meet the aspirations of the Scottish people for a
sovereign Parliament that has the power to tackle fundamental
issues, such as poverty, homelessness or removing nuclear weapons
from Scottish soil. Therefore, the nationalists say, the scene is
set for conflict between such a Parliament and Westminster, which
they hope will make independence an evermore attractive option.
This is precisely the scenario predicted by the Tories and other
assorted Unionists in Think Twice - the No No campaign in the
referendum.
This campaign has been even more ineffectual than the Yes Yes
campaign. This is not surprising given that it is a poorly
concealed front for the Tories, who were annihilated at the
General Election. To handicap them further, their main
spokesperson is Glasgow Rangers FC director and eccentric
Advocate Donald Findlay. Their main tactic has been to talk up
the dangers of the proposed tax raising powers of a new
parliament, weak through they are. They have been aided in this
by some of Scotland's most prominent businessmen, which may
possibly lead to the electorate voting Yes No and rejecting tax
raising powers. However, senior Tories privately have conceded
defeat in the referendum and at least one has gone public and
declared his interest in standing for election to the Parliament.
They see it as a saviour for the decimated Tories, as the
proportional voting system that will be employed for elections
will guarantee Tory representation in the first sitting of the
Parliament.
If Scotland Forward has had any successes they have been in
bringing together the normally ferociously opposed activists from
SNP and Labour, in limited campaign working. This, for the
electorate, is a welcome departure from the normal political
situation. But the campaign will struggle to deliver a convincing
result unless the final few days sees the injection of some
energy and unless the campaigners can convince people,
particularly the working class, that this Scottish parliament can
make a real difference to their lives.
The campaign has been thrown into some confusion with the recent
royal accident. All campaigning, with the exception of
leafletting, has been postponed until after the funeral. This
will leave a five day, and somewhat toned-down, campaign. In the
unprecedented media onslaught - which is almost an act of
atonement - over the death of the Princess of Wales the strength
of the lingering feelings of `Britishness' amongst Scots will
truly be tested. If the electorate votes to change the nature of
the Union at this time, then this Parliament may well be the
`slippery road' to independence and British Unionism will have
seen its day.
David Hewitt, is a member of the editorial collective of
Liberation, a Scottish left-nationalist magazine.