Hebron riots show Oslo II failure
Special report by Michael Browne in Hebron
Following the US Congress decision to shift the American embassy
to Jerusalem from Tel-Aviv last week, the city of Hebron, 32km
south of Jerusalem, has again become a microcosm of all the
inherent tensions between Palestinian society and the occupying
Israeli army.
The site of many clashes between resident Arabs and armed
settlers in the past, it has again become a focal point for Arab
frustration with the dying `peace process.' The clashes between
youths, wielding only small lumps of brick, and Israelis firing
live rounds and rubber bullets started on 14 June, and the
casualties amongst the youths are escalating towards one hundred.
Monday 16 June saw thirty-nine injured by Israeli fire, and
Tuesday saw a twelve year old boy hit in the head by a rubber
bullet, and reportedly in a serious condition, one of nineteen
casualties.
Young children armed with only a few slingshots and small bricks
confronted Israeli soldiers at the bottom of the main street in
the city, Beit Haddasah. Two streets comprised the frontline, and
were deserted, with the opponents at either end. Occasionally old
men and mothers carrying babies were escorted through the
frontlines, and the stoning stopped, though not completely, and
not for long.
Shops shut along the fifty yards of each street, and in side
alleys the youths gathered, occasionally poking round corners to
lash bricks at soldiers which fell pathetically short of their
targets. The clashes are between unequal forces, with Israeli
soldiers in no danger at anytime, safe behind temporary
barricades.
The clashes start as soon as the local schools have a break, and
usually end in the afternoon. What adds to the unreal nature of
the riots is the normality of life only fifty yards away, with
shops open for business, taxis touting for customers, and the
market place crowded. For Hebron Arabs - or Khalilis as they are
known in Arabic - rioting is part of normal life.
Hebron resident Adli Dana, Assistant to the Director of Public
Relations at Birzeit - the leading Palestinian university and
recognised barometer of Palestinian opinion - cites the
realisation that Oslo peace accords are dead as the main reason
for the clashes, and continuing repression merely enhances this
reality for Palestinians.
Dana, an ex-political activist is sure Oslo is dead, and that
widespread Palestinian violence is not far off, as former
supporters of Oslo are rapidly losing faith. He sees the riots as
a sign and ``a result of the continuing depression and loss of
hope, because of Israeli violations of the so-called peace
process. News of corruption and ineptitude within the
Palestinian National Authority has brought people to the point of
despair. The straw that broke their backs was the US Congress
decision to move its embassy to Jerusalem, a recognition of
Jerusalem as the eternal capital of the state of Israel. This is
why Hebron is in the situation it is now.''
He further explained the significance of Hebron in the struggle
between Palestinians and Israel for land, and why it continues
to feature as an indicator of Palestinian political movement.
``Hebron is divided into two parts. People feel under immediate
threat from the armed Jewish settlers. There are only 150
settlers, some of the most fascist in Israel, and they are
guarded by 1500 soldiers in the very centre of the city. They
have made peoples' lives hell. This daily harassment, which is
paralysing the daily social and commercial life of the citizens
has made the people there extremely angry. And their reaction is
what we have witnessed during the last four days.
``Hebron is the site of the current clashes. They are expected
there all the time, but the general political situation might
push other cities to join in the demonstrations. People cannot
deny what is happening on the ground, that the Israeli refusal to
meet basic civil rights will cause trouble everywhere.''
Hebron, under the February `compromise' between Arafat and
Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, is under split authority,
called Hebron 1, and Hebron 2. The majority of the city's Arab
population of one hundred thousand are under PNA control, but the
city centre, including the hotly-contested area around the
settler `barracks' remains in Israeli hands. This anomoly
transforms Hebron into a microcosm of the conflict.
The Hebron Protocol left some 20% of the city's Arabs under the
armed supervision of the Israeli army, and extremist settlers
remain entrenched in the city centre.
Other major Arab towns, like Ramallah, Bethlehem and Nablus are
under PNA jurisdiction. In these towns it is possible to believe
that the Israeli occupation is long over. ``But in Hebron everyone
lives the occupation, they can't escape it. It's in their faces
every day,'' said Nigel Parry, Public Relations Officer at Birzeit
University.
The difference in atmosphere between these locations is tangible,
and the frustration at the stalled peace talks is obvious. Talk
of opposition to both Arafat and the peace process, and support
for attacks on Israel is becoming the norm. ``Many now say that it
is not a peace process at all, or that it is a process, but not
one that will ultimately lead to peace,'' Parry said.
Disillusionment with both Israel and the Palestinian Authority,
and their efforts to sustain the only game in town, Oslo II, is
highlighted by the continuing small clashes which erupt and fade
across the territories. More particularly it is seen in
increasingly open criticism of the Palestinian Authority and
Yasser Arafat, as Israeli aggression continues, crushing any hope
for peace. Increasingly, calls for a reassessment of Oslo II are
gaining more credibility, because it has left Palestinians with
little or nothing and, in real terms, worse off than before the
process began.
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