A Framework for Unity

The 32 County Sovereignty Committee launched a political initiative this week to build support for an alternative to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.

This is the address given by Francis Mackey at the launch of the document, a ‘IRISH DEMOCRACY - A FRAMEWORK FOR UNITY.

Today the 32 County Sovereignty Movement launches this document, “Irish Democracy A Framework For Unity”.

The central focus of our political programme to pursue the republican objective is the concept of an Irish Democratic Framework.

We see Irish democracy at its maximum expression as the only realistic and just opportunity to resolve the conflict.

An Irish democratic framework represents: The ultimate expression of Irish National Sovereignty; Maximum and secured inclusion for all sections of the Irish people; A peaceful alternative; A firm foundation for national and political development.

Tinkering with existing and previously failed agendas is merely to invite repeated failure.

Most importantly this document challenges each political viewpoint in the conflict as it relates to: Democratic Accountability to and from government; Democratic Inclusion to and from government; Constitutional and Political Stability; Sovereign Integrity; Justice.

In our deliberations we have issued this document to the British Government, the Irish Government, the Broad Unionist Community and Provisional Sinn Féin.

THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT

In addressing the British Government we have outlined our position from an Irish Republican Separatist perspective, our aim, to re-establish the integrity of Irish National Sovereignty.

We see the 1998 accord as a failure because it set out preconditions that British Sovereignty over the Six North Eastern Counties of Ireland was to be expressly recognised by all parties included in the process. In effect all parties had to abandon or commit to abandon Irish claims of Sovereignty over the territory of the island of Ireland.

The cause of conflict was not to be addressed.

In responding to these circumstances the 32 County Sovereignty Movement sought to defend Irish Sovereignty through the United Nations, challenging the legality of Britain’s sovereign claim in Ireland.

The 32 CSM call on the British Government to: Formally respond to the legal challenge against its claim to Sovereignty over part of Ireland; Formally initiate a peace process to address the cause of conflict between our two nations.

When the British Government through Peter Brooke declared, The British Government has no selfish, strategic or economic reasons for remaining in Northern Ireland, it is seen to all intent and purposes as an attempt by the British Government to declare itself neutral regarding its presence in Ireland and the conflict thereof.

With this in mind we petition the British Government to a public declaration of its long term intentions towards Ireland.

We further ask the British Government;

1. Does the British Government at some future date foresee the ending of the Union between the Six NE Counties of Ireland and the UK?

2. Does the British Government see the ending of the Union as probable?

Has the British Government as the claimed sovereign authority over the Six County region any preference in any field between the maintenance of the Union and a Unitary Sovereign Irish State?

Is the British Government, as a reciprocal gesture to the dropping of the territorial claim by the Irish Government to the entire island of Ireland as defined in Articles 2&3 of its constitution, prepared as a demonstration of it’s declared stance of having no selfish, strategic or economic reasons for remaining in the Six NE Counties, to withdraw the British claim of Sovereignty thereof.

IRISH GOVERNMENT

In addressing the Irish Government, we see Sovereign Government as acting in the capacity by which they are defined.

A sovereign Irish Government must be defined as a government elected by the people of Ireland representing it’s national territory, 32 Counties.

Since its foundation, the declared aim of the Irish Government has been to secure Irish Sovereignty over the National Territory as 32 Counties of Ireland.

This declared aim was given constitutional, legislative and political expression within the apparatus of the 26 County State.

Most notably in;

Bunreacht na hEireann 1937 Republic of Ireland Act 1948-49 New Ireland Forum 1984 Supreme Court Ruling 1990 (Constitutional Imperative)

The origins of these expression are secured back to;

The Proclamation of 1916 The Declaration of Independence 1919

Our submission to the United Nations is not solely a matter for the British Government but is of central importance to any Irish administration also.

The British Sovereign claim remains thus contradicting all of the above.

In our submission to the Irish Government we seek to define the role of the government in resolving the continuing conflict between Ireland and our neighbouring island.

We further ask of the Irish Government if it’s commitment to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) is in keeping with it’s pursuit of “unity by consent”, in particular;

1. Does the Irish Government view, for itself, the GFA as a mechanism towards Irish Unity?

2. How is Unionist consent to be achieved?

3. Does the Irish Government concede that under the terms of the GFA the union of the Six NE Counties with the rest of the UK could be permanent?

4. What international avenues are at the Irish Government’s disposal to promote Irish Unity?

5. How is engagement with the British Government, seeking their withdrawal to be formalised under the auspices of the GFA.

6. Does the Irish Government view Irish Unity as inevitable?

7. Does the Irish Government view Irish Unity as probable?

THE BROAD UNIONIST COMMUNITY

The purpose of this submission is to seek positive, political engagement amongst all sections of the Irish people concerning the probability of ending the British Government’s Sovereign claim over the occupied Six Counties.

The 32 County Sovereignty Movement recognises that the event of such a probability will incur profound change in the political landscape on this island. We believe that in light of this potential it would be prudent for political representatives to address all contingencies and to construct proposals as to how such a future state should be formatted and developed.

We have petitioned the Unionist Community to look at the possibilities;

Is the ending of the Union inevitable?

Is the ending of the Union probable?

These scenarios cannot be avoided indefinitely as they are central to the long term interests and future of Unionists and their fellow Irish people.

PROVISIONAL SINN Féin

In addressing Sinn Féin we are mindful that the most pertinent question facing Irish Republicans today is why the objectives of republicanism remains unrealised.

In our submission to the various political groupings the 32 CSM in attempting to address the failure to achieve this realisation and to realign political thinking along a separatist heading.

In doing so the 32 CSM seek to engage Sinn Féin in the following areas: Democratic Debate within Republicanism; The cause of conflict in Ireland; The GFA and Self-determination; Irish Democracy and Irish Sovereignty.

In addressing these headings we question the Sinn Féin leadership, mindful that they suspended members for upholding their constitution;

What is the basis of incompatibility between membership of Sinn Féin and the 32 CSM?

Is the issue of Irish Sovereignty a prohibitive subject for debate within Sinn Féin?

Will Sinn Féin engage officially with debate on the issue of Irish Sovereignty with the 32 CSM?

Who constitutes the Republican family?

We have set our analysis against that of Sinn Féin and we query;

How is our right to national self determination defended and promoted by signing a treaty which states that no such right exists?

How is our right to national self determination defended and promoted by securing an electoral endorsement thereon from a partitioned Irish electorate?

By what authority does Sinn Féin sign a treaty which states that British occupation in Ireland can be legitimately permanent?

What was the legitimate pretext for the republican struggle up to signing the GFA?

Is the use of armed force defending and seeking to restore Irish Sovereignty a criminal act?

What part of the GFA challenges Britain’s claim to sovereignty over part of Ireland?

Which other signatories to the GFA view it as a mechanism for, or a mechanism to, securing the unity of our national territory?

The 32 CSM calls upon Sinn Féin to repudiate any stance on the national question which subverts Irish National Sovereignty.

We call on Sinn Féin to assist the 32 CSM in realigning the Irish political position to this basis and to create a peace process wherein this position is resolutely defended.

32 CSM note: The terms ‘Irish Government’ and ‘United Kingdom’ contained in this document are not an acknowledgement of their right to be used as legitimate terms but in recognition that a government that calls itself the Irish government has a duty to act on behalf of the Irish people and in their interests not just a section also the use of the term UK merely acknowledges that there is a political entity known by the British, Dublin and Unionists as the UK that includes Great Britain and the 6 counties. We are using their own terms against them.

Urgent Appeal