Easter Address by Gerry Adams
Easter Address by Gerry Adams
The following is an edited version of the address by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams at this year's Dublin Easter Commemoration

I believe that if the political will exists even the serious and vexed issues facing all of us at this time can be resolved. To that end Sinn Féin has remained in contact with the two governments and the other parties.

I know that Irish republicans have that strength of will to resolve these issues. I am not confident that the two governments have it. I am certainly not confident that the leaders of political unionism have it.

So, let me spell out what we believe is required from the two governments and the unionists if there is to be progress after Easter.

And none of this is rocket science. So, let's get real.

Does anyone in the two governments really believe that blaming republicans for the current crisis is creating the proper atmosphere for serious negotiations? If the governments are serious about this peace process then they need to convince republicans and nationalists. This requires actions not words. It requires movement not rhetoric.

London and Dublin must accept that they have to inject new momentum into the process. They do this by honouring their respective commitments in the Good Friday Agreement, in the Joint Declaration and in the discussions with us last October.

Let us be clear, both governments entered into commitments, covering a wide range of issues from prisoners, through policing, demilitarisation, northern representation in southern institutions, equality, human rights matters and more. There was to be immediate and substantial progress on all of these. There was none.

Instead we have the continued suspension of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement, a totally unacceptable situation.

The governments have not moved an inch since October, other than to try and blame republicans again for the crisis. This is also unacceptable. It is also untrue.

At this stage I want to especially acknowledge the positive and constructive role of the Volunteers of the IRA in creating and sustaining the conditions of the peace process. The August marks the 10th anniversary of the 1994 cessation. It was this initiative more than any other which made the peace process possible. The fact is that there would be no peace process but for the courageous decisions and imaginative initiatives taken by the IRA.


I want to now deal with the state of play within unionism. Sinn Féin respects the mandate of the DUP. The DUP must respect the Sinn Féin mandate. However, the current position of the DUP, its opposition to the Agreement and the demands it is making of Sinn Féin, are totally unacceptable.

Sinn Féin is strong enough and big enough and confident enough in our own politics to talk to anyone. In fact we have a duty to do so. So do the DUP. But like John Major at the start of this process the DUP is demanding that the IRA publicly surrender before the DUP will even sit down and talk to Sinn Féin.

Can anyone imagine the IRA dashing off to obey the DUP diktat? Does Mr. Paisley imagine that P O'Neill was just waiting for this demand from him? Surely wiser counsel will know that a sensible approach is about dealing with these issues collectively.

So the DUP's current public position will not resolve the difficulties in the process and no one in the British or Irish governments should pretend that it will, not if Mr. Blair is serious when he warns that this process cannot stand still. When he says if it fails to move forward it will move backwards.

The unionists, but especially the DUP, have to know that although they can refuse to work the institutions, they will have no veto over the many other matters of human rights and equality, policing and demilitarisation, of rights and entitlements.

Clearly, therefore the restoration of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement has to be the priority at this time. That also is the logic of Mr. Blair's stated position.

Republicans have demonstrated time out of number our willingness to find agreements. Our commitment and our hard work on behalf of this process is unequalled by any other participant. It comes from our desire to see an end to conflict and a new future for everyone on this island.

We are involved in an unprecedented and historic enterprise, to resolve conflict, to achieve reconciliation among all the people of this island and deliver a lasting peace. Sinn Féin is not giving up on this process. We have set out a peaceful direction for everyone to follow, and everyone, has a contribution to make in ensuring that the people of this island continue to move forward to a better future.

So whatever the spin of the moment by the governments the reality is that the greatest challenge at this time is to the Taoiseach Mr. Ahern and the British Prime Minister Tony Blair. And we have told them that.

Let me make it clear that the Sinn Féin leadership is prepared to enter once again into new intense negotiations. We are prepared once again to do our best to make this process work. We have no illusions about this. We are wedded totally to building justice and peace on this island.

Mr. Blair has set June as a timeframe. We will do our best to make that work but only the actions of the governments can determine how successful we will collectively be in the weeks ahead.


Whatever the outcome of any negotiations about the peace process Irish republicans face other challenges in the coming months.

In June, as the only all-Ireland party, we will be fighting to win seats in the European Parliament. And we can do it. Last November Sinn Féin became the largest nationalist party in the north and the largest pro-Agreement party. I believe we can build on that success. I have canvassed widely north and south and the response has been very good.

If everyone here today, and at commemorations across this island, rallies round our all-Ireland team of EU candidates we can make significant gains in June and send MEPs to Strasbourg and Brussels who will defend Irish national interests while seeking support for Irish unity and Sinn Féin's peace strategy.

What does this mean for the city of Dublin?

If you do the work it means that Mary Lou McDonald will become the first Sinn Féin MEP for the capital.

Sinn Féin is also standing over 200 candidates in the local government elections, the largest number of candidates we have put forward in decades. I am in no doubt that we are set to make significant gains and that the face of local government politics is about to change - and change for the better. And we have seen the conservative parties reaction to this. They would rather create a smokescreen than debate the issues.

There is also the upcoming bogus and racist referendum on citizenship. This is a complex and sensitive issue, which the government is cynically exploiting without regard to the negative consequences for Irish society and the Good Friday Agreement. The government's decision has virtually guaranteed that race will become an election issue. It is also in stark contradiction of the 1916 Proclamations commitment to ``cherish all the children of the nation equally.'' The truth is that the government is afraid to lose this referendum as they did with the first referendum on the Nice Treaty.

So, my friends we have lots of work to do it in the time ahead.

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