The Right to Vote
Phoblacht's ÁINE NÍ BHRIAN examines how new legislation in the North has worked to disenfranchise tens of thousands of voters.
Political manipulation by the British government and its unionist counterparts is nothing new in the Six Counties. Republicans have seen it all - unionist gerrymandering, electoral manipulation, a judicial system that caters to an exclusionist political agenda - and over the years they have challenged the status quo with steadfast determination.
But new legislation imposed just prior to this upcoming election could potentially exclude a large section of the population and rob many of their right to vote. This month, Sinn Féin submitted a detailed document outlining the party's criticisms of recent legislation's impact on the electoral register.
The British state has long sought to dismiss the nationalist voice within the political arena, and in particular, the continuous rise of the Sinn Féin vote. It seems the election, now postponed until 29 May, will be no different, even if the state's tactics have become more subtle in some respects, and more blatant and crude in others.
Act only applies to Six Counties
In direct contrast to the British government's own Representation of the People Act 2000, which was a response to falling voter numbers and intended to facilitate easier access to the electoral register, the newly passed Electoral Fraud Act of 2002 is unique to the North of Ireland and does not apply in Britain.
It is clearly aimed at the typical Sinn Féin voter but manages to criminalise the entire population of the North by implying that voters here are untrustworthy potential fraudsters. It is the latest in a long line of attempts to downplay and exclude nationalists and republicans from the political process, while maintaining the illusion of democracy.
The upcoming election is crucial. Its outcome will influence the direction of the peace process and the future of issues such as policing, equality, and power sharing. The British government, unionists, and even the SDLP recognise this, and fear Sinn Féin's influence.
So the Electoral Fraud Act was rushed through the legislative process, with the support of all those other political parties, and the changes it has implemented have already led to large numbers of the population from across the political spectrum being unable to vote in the next election.
Voters in the Six Counties have regularly turned out in greater numbers than anywhere in Britain, but this legislation and its suspect timing is purposefully designed to discourage voters by disenfranchising and even excluding many from the electoral register and process altogether.
People not informed
The Electoral Commission is responsible for informing and educating the public about any changes to the electoral process, but its recent publicity campaign started later than it should have and still remains vastly inadequate.
Sinn Féin says it was originally informed by the Commission that their publicity blitz would begin in July and August of 2002, but canvassers did not begin arriving at the doors of voters until well into September.
Voters, unaware of the new requirements, were left confused about the registration process, and the way in which they were informed, if informed at all, left the most disadvantaged in our society - such as those suffering social exclusion, the elderly, and young people - most affected.
The badly run campaign has not gotten any better. An Phoblacht chose four copies of the Irish News at random for the month of February 2003. Not one contained any notification from the Electoral Commission on the new changes or how to get in touch with the office for further information.
130,000 people from across the North, listed on the June 2002 Electoral Register, were not on the register issued in December 2002. In addition, the Census figures released in December 2002 show that a further 57,683 eligible voters also did not appear. More than 100,000 entire households are not registered at all.
Delays and red tape
In previous elections, the head of a household was able to fill in the form on behalf of all those of voting age in the home, but now, for the first time, each of those voters must register as an individual in order to be listed on the electoral register and claim their vote. Each one must fill out and sign the required form individually and then submit it, but problems began because the forms were not easily accessible.
Forms mailed or delivered to many homes were slow in arriving, and some simply did not appear. There have been many instances where large numbers of young people and first time voters never received the necessary forms at all.
In constituencies like Newry/Armagh, West Tyrone, and West Belfast, the numbers of people registering to vote for the first time dropped from 50% to 80% and it is no coincidence that those areas happen to be largely nationalist.
If the forms did show up, there was still no guarantee that they would be processed or even received by the electoral office before the set closing date for applications.
There were no clinics or arrangements made for those voters with literacy problems or for those who might need assistance in filling out the forms due to disability or language barriers.
Photo ID
Eligible voters who are fortunate enough to have been placed on the electoral register are further required to produce photographic identification in order to claim their vote. But according to a recent BBC report, it is estimated that approximately 250,000 voters do not have any form of photographic identification - a damaging statistic considering government intentions to exclude all forms of non-photographic identification in advance of the forthcoming Assembly election.
Although they might well be listed on the register, those who do not have photographic ID will have to apply for and produce an official Electoral Identity Card before they will be allowed to vote. That too, must be done well in advance. Processing thousands of applications takes time, and there are fears that many people will be refused their right to vote due only to the fact that the private firm responsible for processing and issuing the cards will be unable to meet the demand before polling day.
While there were over 233,000 requests by voters for Electoral Identity Cards, only approximately 45,000 requests have been processed to date and not one identity card has thus far been issued.
The necessity of voter verification is both reasonable and acceptable, but the ineffectiveness of the current process is not. Much of the additional information that must be provided in order for a card to be issued does not sit well with republican voters for many reasons - including concerns around privacy, personal safety and security.
The card can only be issued if the voter provides all the personal details requested - such as current and former addresses, date of birth, National Insurance Number, a photograph, and a written signature. The intrusive nature of these requirements plays upon the innate and justified suspicion of nationalists, who may already be under threat or at risk of violence for their beliefs.
The Electoral Commission states that the bodies entitled to purchase the full electoral register are government departments and their agencies for security, law enforcement and crime prevention - the very agencies that republicans have long known to utilise personal information to breach the right to privacy, target people for surveillance and harassment, and supply intelligence to unionist death squads.
Such concerns, and the confusion and inadequacies of both the new legislation and the Electoral Commission, may well ensure that many nationalists will not be able to claim their vote come election day.
Which was, of course, the intention all along.
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