Republican News · Thursday 3 July 2003

Strategic momentum and popular support

BY DECLAN KEARNEY

Justin Moran's recent article, Left turn needed, is a useful consideration of ideas. However, his assertion that Sinn Féin needs to reverse a drift to the centre, to clearly state our socialism and recommit ourselves to establish a socialist republic, obscures the real debate for Sinn Féin activists - that is, whether we are properly focused and applied to our key strategic tasks.

I don't believe we've lost our way ideologically. At times, the intensity and complexity of struggle can cause difficulty in seeing the ideological wood for the political trees; and there is more work to be done internally to ensure the party is properly ideologically centred in the midst of having to apply ourselves to our diverse sites of struggle. But this is a by-product of an expanding struggle and should not be confused with assuming that our end game is compromised. Put simply, our primary aim is Irish national self-determination, sovereignty, and independence; and our ultimate aim in shorthand, a socialist republic!

So our vision is intact. Sinn Féin's ideological genealogy goes back to Tone and McCracken and has evolved a republican revolutionary tradition personified by Lalor, Connolly, Mellowes, and of which we are the present day descendants. The historical responsibility carried by this generation of activists is to complete the unfinished Irish revolution. Hence the challenge, how we successfully effect a political revolution in modern society against a backdrop of continuing partition, a formidable conservative establishment North and South, and an international context dominated by forces wedded to the ideology of globalisation.

Language of Struggle

The republican language of struggle may evolve and we may even choose to nuance its delivery, but our core vision and ideology remain consistent. The work of activists is to bring forward policies and political programmes that build the struggle's political strength, in the context of strategy. This means ensuring our essential ideological and political concepts are popular, live and accessible to Irish citizens. In my view, an Ireland of Equals speaks far more simply and clearly to the average punter than Socialist Republic, when the vision of an equal Ireland is juxtaposed with the gombeenism of the system.

The simplicity and clarity of this vision is why more and more Irish people are voting for Sinn Féin, not just in urban working class areas of Dublin, but also in West Donegal, South Connemara and the Glens of Antrim; as well as other socially and economically diverse communities across Ireland. We shouldn't underestimate the extent to which Sinn Féin evokes the prospect of real change and a radical political alternative.

However, we cannot afford to be complacent nor allow the mood favouring the republican message to become fickle or worse, cause activists to creep under a comfort blanket of populism. The fundamental strategic question facing the party is how we politically mobilise the greater number Irish people, North and South, in support of Sinn Féin and in sustained pursuit of the Republic. The key to doing so is to define our vision and message in accessible simple terms that strike at the popular instinct and allow Sinn Féin not only to build support and grow in political strength, but also to shape and radicalise Irish popular opinion with the ideas of republican struggle.

A Republican Hegemony

Our strategic tasks boil down to popularising republican ideas in the minds and mouths of Irish people.

It has been our relative success to date at republicanising more hearts and minds that in large part has resulted in the current establishment offensive against Sinn Féin, North and South. This was writ large in the two governments' decision to baulk at the implementation of the Hillsborough negotiations, and the British decision to cancel the two elections in May.

We need to build on our achievements by replacing the hegemony of gombeenism and unionism with a new popular, radical political culture, which celebrates the vision of a new social and economic order. If specific slogans help in this process, well and good, but if not, then let's use other language that excites, inspires, persuades and converts.

Our language and message need to animate our work. In turn, policy development, effective campaigning, quality political representation, electoral preparations, negotiations and party building, to name but a few, all need to simultaneously operate as sites of struggle that create a strategic context for externalising that message within society.

So, whilst ensuring our membership and structures are ideologically centred is immensely important work, the prosecution of our struggle dictates that we maintain the political ability to roll out a strategy that ensures gains are not surrendered, the struggle is consolidated, and we effect radical change.

To this end, every activist needs to get a sense of his or her role in the strategic development of the struggle. If we accept that strategy provides the framework for our Road Map, then this becomes a benchmark to evaluate and measure the utility or purpose of our activity. If forms of political activity stop resulting in political strength, then we need to identify and take on board those that do so. Defined strategic objectives need to shape and direct all aspects of our political programme and sites of struggle.

Realpolitik, Policy and Polemic

The realpolitik of conditions in struggle rarely results in instantaneous change. Our revolutionary litmus test for assessing change is whether change has a strategic impact on the overall context within which republicans are active. For example, Sinn Féin is unambiguously and ideologically opposed to Public Private Partnerships, but we didn't have the political strength to bring it to an instantaneous end. The cold reality is how, within the limits of current political strength, we effectively challenge such a policy from a revolutionary, strategic perspective.

Policy development needs to act as a strategic tool for animating and articulating our view of the world. But let's get it right! Marx once opined that philosophers only interpreted the world and that others had to change it. We should take note. Unless republican policy is in sync with the context of our existing strength - our ability to deliver and effect change in the prevailing political conditions - and also measurably generate increased political strength, it becomes nothing more than polemic.

Strategic Alliances

During the early to mid 1980s, Gerry Adams introduced the metaphor of the Bus to Cork to make sense of the need for strategic alliances in pursuit of the Republic. The ensuing discussions also reflected on previous republican efforts towards the same objective, such as those undertaken by George Gilmore and Peadar O'Donnell in the 1930s. Just as past republican debate perceived then, it is right today to highlight the importance of developing new alliances with the trade union movement. We have for too long failed to be proactive in our outreach to that constituency. However, Sinn Féin requires a strategic engagement and negotiation right throughout Irish society. Our party needs in a sustained way to build relations, initiate negotiations and forge common strategies with, for example, unionist people, ethnic minorities, muintir na ngaeltachtaí, women, and young people.

Our objective needs to be to develop a whole raft of progressive alliances. This work is key to galvanising the critical electoral dynamic that renders constitutional change possible and the popular mass support to make the Republic achievable. Such practical interaction will give definition to the substance of our vision of the Republic and influence the programme for government of a future Sinn Féin administration.

Leaps Forward

Justin's article is a contribution to discussion on what republicans need to be doing. We need more such discussion throughout the party, but let us establish the precise focus of the debate. Sinn Féin doesn't need a left turn, but we do need to politically identify the means to sustain our capacity for taking constant revolutionary leaps forward in the context of our Road Map to the Republic. To do this we require increased strategic momentum and popular support.

Our priority now should be on the strategic tasks to be undertaken by our activists to manage this political phase, popularise republicanism, build the party, and grow the overall struggle. Sinn Féin's ideological vision is clear and we possess a strategic trajectory for bringing it to reality. The pressing debate for Sinn Féin activists needs to be on practical strategy and how we pull all this together on a national basis. Over to ye, comrades!