Republican News · Thursday 7 August 2003

Féile ag fás

BY JIM GIBNEY

Féile an Phobail is steadily and strongly moving through its early teenage years, reaching fifteen this time out.

It is unlikely that those attending the festival who are under 30 years of age remember what life for nationalist Belfast was like before am Féile.

Every August, without fail, the protests against the anniversary of internment without trial resulted in riots and after a few days degenerated into chaos for nationalists across the city, with buses being burnt out, family cars being hijacked and often burned and youths being killed or maimed with live or plastic bullets fired by the crown forces.

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams had been trying for some years to redirect the energy that people brought to the anti-internment demonstrations away from the street disorder into a more positive political image, particularly for West Belfast.

It was a difficult task because of the density of the military occupation and the popularity among young people for attacking the crown forces.

However, the tragic circumstances in the months preceding August 1988 provided an opportunity for a fresh approach.

Over a 13-day period from 6 March, when the SAS shot dead three IRA volunteers in Gibraltar, a total of eight people were killed, all of them in West Belfast.

Three mourners at the IRA funerals were killed by loyalist Michael Stone and the IRA shot dead two British soldiers who were captured when they drove into the funeral cortege of a fourth IRA volunteer, shot dead in Turf Lodge by the British Army.

Following the deaths of the two soldiers, a leading nationalist politician branded the people of West Belfast as "savages".

The people of West Belfast were justifiably outraged at his comments. They not only refuted this slur, they set about proving that not only were they fearless enough to produce an IRA force second to none and support it they also had the imagination and creativity to celebrate their talents through a Féile.

Thus was born what we now know as Féile an Phobail, one of the biggest and most political festivals in Ireland.

The festival has gone from strength to strength but of course, there is still danger. At the start of this year's Féile, my friend, Lisburn councillor Paul Butler and his family were targeted when their home was firebombed by loyalists.

Despite this ever present backdrop of conflict, this year's clár lives up to the high standards of interest the Féile organisers have generated in previous years.

My first outing was to Clonard Monastery, where I spent the most relaxing hour this year in the company of Ireland's national choir.

They were on the last leg of their European wide tour called 'Travels in Europe'. They had been to Spain, Portugal, Greece, Italy and England.

Clonard Monastery is a refuge at the best of times for life's weary but the combination of the melodic, enchanting voices and the monastery's tranquility produced an atmosphere and a concert to die for.

BASQUE TRAGEDY

It was then on to more weighty matters at An Cultúrlann and a debate, 'The End of Spanish Democracy'.

Sinn Féin Councillor Eoin O'Broin and Paddy Woodward, a journalist with the Irish Times, debated the theme. Both men are experts on the situation in the Basque country and both have recently written books about the political conflict there.

Whatever about the quality of democracy outside of the Basque country in Spain, it is quite obvious from the outline given by Eoin that democracy does not exist in the Basque country.

There, the Madrid-based government of Jose Maria Aznar is operating a policy of widespread repression. This includes gaoling the entire political leadership of Batasuna, closing down their offices and newspaper and imposing a fine of §34 million on the party for acts of violence carried out by those seeking independence, despite the fact that they have nothing to do with Batasuna.

They also closed down an independent Basque language paper, an investigative magazine and charged almost one hundred people in social, cultural and business organisations who are involved in acts of civil disobedience with being part of a network of support for the armed group ETA.

Teenagers are a specific target group for arrest and detention, many receiving excessive gaol terms for relatively minor offences and torture is routinely applied to political prisoners.

It is now a criminal offence to chant pro ETA slogans on demonstrations.

For Eoin, the context of the deteriorating situation in the Basque country was the policy of the Spanish government.

Paddy Woodward set his contribution in a wider context. While agreeing with a lot that Eoin said, he believed it was the violence of ETA that was the principal source of the conflict.

He believes that Spain's 1978 constitution, which replaced the society based on Franco's dictatorship, provides an opportunity for the conflict in the Basque country to be resolved without armed force.

He argued that ETA were the greatest enemy to democracy.

He referred to a number of killings carried out by ETA, such as the killing of a journalist, a Basque politician and a Catalan socialist who was a lifelong supporter of independence for the Basque country.

He called for new thinking similar to that which led to the 'Good Friday Agreement' in Ireland but as Eoin pointed out, ETA and Batasuna's efforts to create peaceful conditions for negotiations were undermined and spurned by the Spanish government when ETA called a ceasefire.

Batasuna and ETA are ready for peace negotiations; unfortunately, the Spanish government is not.

It struck me listening to the debate that the situation in the Basque country is similar to that which existed here when John Major was Britain's Prime Minister and he squandered the 18 months of the IRA's first ceasefire.

REBEL SONGS

John McLaughlin, born in the Donegal town land of Cnoic an Glas, which translates into 'One Green Hill', the name of his new book, has captured the story of the struggle for Irish independence through some of the most popular rebel songs.

With the assistance of singer/songwriter Brian Moore and author Bill Rolston, we were given the political history behind the songs and a glimpse of the people about whom the songs were written.

As a boy, McLaughlin had a peculiar introduction to Irish rebel songs. He learned them on the terraces of Parkhead, Celtic's football grounds.

Courtesy of Rangers fans, he also heard 'Dolly's Brae', 'Battle of the Boyne' and other songs celebrating Protestant victories over Catholics.

But it was rebel songs that aroused his curiosity, when thousands of fans sang classics like 'Kelly the Boy from Killane' or 'Sean South of Garryowen'.

This set him off on a journey through Ireland and time to record the lyrical tributes that form part of our culture of resistance.

The book's title, 'One Green Hill: Journey Through Irish Songs' was described by Fergus O'Hare, another talented Belfast singer, as a 'wonderful piece of work combining music, history and folklore, which preserves the history of the common people'.

The event in the Rossa club was dedicated to Tony McAuley, who was to introduce it but passed away earlier this year. He made a massive contribution to traditional Irish music.

HUMAN SHIELDS

A new angle on the Israeli occupation of Palestine was provided by the excellent political comedian, Jeremy Hardy, who showed his film, 'Jeremy Hardy versus the Israeli Army', at the Roddy's club.

The story is about the occupation seen through Hardy's eyes, as he joined forces with people mainly in their mid- to late-20s but some in their middle years from, England, Italy, France and north America as they turned themselves into human shields to protect Palestinians from Israeli tank and rifle fire.

The Israeli occupation of Palestine has been well documented in the mainstream and private media. We are familiar with the curfew of towns, the shelling of homes, the bombardment of Yasser Arafat, the daily deaths of Palestinians, the deaths of suicide bombers and Jewish civilians.

We are also familiar with the mealy-mouthed approach of European governments, including the Irish government, who have failed to prevent the Israeli terror or pressurise the US administration to stop the Israelis.

What we are not familiar with is the content of this film.

It is a story about highly motivated people who believe in the power of passive resistance in the face of overwhelming military might. It is about this small group of people using their bodies to block, slow down, challenge Israeli military aggression.

So, in the small streets of occupied and curfewed Ramallah, we see peaceful protesters with their hands up in the air, others carrying banners, 'stop the occupation' walking with trepidation slowly towards a huge tank which dwarfs the street and bombed out houses. There is fear in their eyes but there is also determination. Feet away from the tank, an Israeli soldier inside opens fire with live rounds at their feet. The bullets sharp piercing noise penetrates our ears while they ricochet all around the protesters. The protesters start to fall as shrapnel cuts into their bodies, yet they refuse to budge.

Palestinian families locked in their homes, deprived food, drink and electricity, can be seen looking out their windows at these strangers from foreign lands who risk their lives for them.

In his trademark downbeat monotone voice, with more than a hint of cynicism, Hardy asks 'what are we doing here? Is it for some vainglorious fantasy about our own lives? Will it make any difference?'

The answer to that question is provided at the end of the film, when four busloads of "internationals", as they are fondly described, break through the military cordon around a small village to bring much needed medical supplies.

The Israelis had been isolating the village for 18 months, refusing to allow the inhabitants to leave or anyone to enter. The 'internationals' force the Israelis to let them through. The sense of victory is written all over their faces and they are greeted by youths with large smiles giving victory signs.

As the camera follows Hardy, he mockingly describes himself as a "middle aged bewildered Englishman wandering around trying not to get killed". But his humour and bravery and that of the other internationals is a powerful testament to the idealism that is still alive among those people from consumerist societies who are not preoccupied solely with their own needs.