Time to respect Sinn Féin's mandate
By Mary Maguire
It was certainly not the stormy week some had predicted it would be.
However, the flurry of meetings, Assembly debates and political
statements transformed this week into one of the most decisive of
the peace process.
The vote held on Tuesday was a further milestone on the path towards
the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. The dynamics
born during these past few days have to now be a motor for a
long-awaited change.
The events that unfolded between Monday and Wednesday are not only a
mere step forward. They may yet prove to be determinant in bringing
forward the global process aimed at ending British occupation of the
Six Counties.
The first determinant event of the week was the vote held in the
Assembly on the Final Document that outlines the structures of the
Assembly Executive posts, the All-Ireland Ministerial Council, the
All-Ireland bodies and the Civic Forum.
The vote, endorsed by 77 members of the Assembly proved that the
support for the Good Friday Agreement is not only secure. The vote
further marked the third and most significant defeat of the No-camp.
The vote, by the positive dynamics it has enhanced, also signals the
end of the anti and pro-agreement politics. The Assembly members,
having voted in favour of one of the most crucial documents of the
peace process, must now be focused and act together to ensure that
the will of the people, through the mandate of the various parties,
be fully respected.
More importantly, the vote lifted the last technical obstacle to the
setting-up of the Assembly Executive. It ``cleared the undergrowth''
and proved that David Trimble, whatever difficulties he faces, has
the support of two-thirds of the
Assembly to proceed in implementing the provisions of the Good Friday
Agreement.
The onus is now on him to show resolute leadership and stand by his
commitments. In light of the opinions expressed by an overwhelming
majority of the Assembly members, he has no other choice but to
recognise Sinn Féin's electoral and democratic mandate by accepting
the fact that there is no precondition to the setting-up of an
inclusive Executive.
The vote, by lifting the last technical obstacle to the
implementation of some of the most substantial chapters of the Good
Friday Agreement, also puts the responsibility on the shoulders of
the British and Irish governments. Mo Mowlam can no longer cave in to
Unionist stalling tactics. The vote is a mirror of the will of a vast
majority of the people of the island.
The British Secretary of State must therefore immediately issue the
standing orders which will trigger the d'Hondt system. It will then
be up to the Presiding officer of the Assembly to call the different
parties to choose their departments, of which two will go to Sinn
Féin ministers.
Mo Mowlam can no longer stand back and content herself by
congratulating the Assembly members for the ``progress reached''. She
and the Dublin government have now to stand by the pledges they have
made to the people of this island and trigger the setting-up of the
Assembly executive.
The second most significant development was the first ever meeting
between high-profile Sinn Féin and Ulster Unionist Party delegations.
On Wednesday, for over an hour and a half, members of the two parties
outlined their different positions.
This historic meeting that Sinn Féin has requested for a long time
was a key development and highlighted the new political landscape
that has emerged as a result of the Good Friday Agreement.
In the past weeks, republicans have acknowledged the difficulties
that Unionism is facing. However, the latest developments have also
signalled that David Trimble can no longer apply obstructionist and
stalling tactics to a peace process that has been endorsed by a vast
majority of the people of the island of Ireland.
At this stage in the process, difficulties and challenges are not
relevant to only one tradition of Irish or British politics. They are
shared. These difficulties can be overcome with the new positive
dynamics that have emerged and the focus of all the parties must be
to implement the Agreement in full. Sinn Féin has so far stood by its
commitments. It is more vital than ever that the Unionists recognise
this and act to implement the Agreement
in full.
The meeting between Sinn Féin and the Church and Government Committee
of the Presbyterian church was a further important development. This
meeting, held at Stormont with the current and previous moderators of
the Presbyterian Church, was a result of years of grassroots meetings and mirrored the
anti-sectarian philosophy of the republican movement.
After these developments, the plucking-out of one particular issue of
the Agreement has to end. David Trimble and the Unionists have so far
focused on the issue of decommissioning. Yet, David Trimble has done
nothing to prevent the wave of sectarian violence directed at
nationalists.
The residents of the Garvaghy Road and the potential victims of the
thousands of legally held unionist and loyalist weapons have again
been sidelined by Unionists, loyalists, as well as some elements of
the SDLP.
As Gerry Adams stated after the meeting with David Trimble, the issue
of decommissioning has to be dealt with within the terms of the
agreement and the mechanisms of the agreement. The respect of both,
the spirit and letter of the historical Agreement depends on this.
Since the late 1960s, the rising expectations of the nationalist
community has forced the British government into a process of
renegotiating its relationship with nationalism and unionism. At this
state of the peace process, Unionism gives a clear impression of
being on the retreat.
However, Unionism has signed up to a political agreement where it has
finally conceded equality of political power with Six County
nationalists and which introduces an all-Ireland dimension to
political affairs. David Trimble's delaying tactics are symptomatic
of its inability to negotiate change.
The onus is now on the British government and Unionism to face up to
commitments made through the Good Friday Agreement. It is time to
prove that David Trimble, as a leader of the Unionist tradition, can
handle the absence of conflict or the negotiating process.
It is time that the principle of equality is respected. David
Trimble, the British and Irish governments must respect the voice of
the nationalist community. The can be no more artificial delay of the
setting-up of the Assembly Executive, All-Ireland Ministerial Council
and the formation of the various All-Ireland bodies. There can be no
more exclusion of Sinn Féin.
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