Articles Two & Three
A Chairde,
Now that Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution have been changed, it is
worth formally recording the positive influence which the pro-Articles
2 and 3 lobby had on the process. But, firstly, let us be clear that
many of us in that lobby were never opposed to any change in the
Articles - there is always more than one way of saying the same thing.
In fact, I produced two republican redrafts in my books Sovereign
People or Crown Subjects? and Britain and Ireland - Sovereignty and
Nationality, respectively.
However, when the `anti' lobby really got going just over a quarter of
a century ago, the demand of some was for deletion of the Articles.
That has not happened. Alternatively, they tried to reword the
Articles in various ways which would have removed from them their
national democratic content. Let us consider the new situation in that
light.
Article 2 now efefctively holds that there is an Irish nation
co-extensive with the island of Ireland, even if there are those on
the island who either say they are not part of the nation or do not
want to be so politically.
Article 1 (and this is important) remains unaltered and says: ``The
irish nation hereby affirms its inalienable, indefeasible, and
sovereign right to choose its own form of government...''
Article 3 gives up the claim by the Oireachtas and Irish Government to
a right of jurisdiction over the Six Counties. (Ironically, the
orthodox republican stance never recognised such a right of a `Free
State' parliament and administration.) The Article then goes on to
envisage a united Ireland arising from consent of a majority of the
people ``in both jurisdictions''. In fact, the latter is compatible with
the principle that the valid cnstituency for determining the political
future of Ireland is the island, while acknowledging the reality that
the people are spread across two jurisdictions. It would have been
different if the phrase was ``in each jurisdiction'', which was in
earlier drafts leaked to the media, but altered in later ones.
The new Article 29.7.1 of course refers to the Good Friday Document,
which does effectively adopt the `each jurisdiction' approach, but
this says that ``The State may consent to be bound by'' the Document; it
does not entrench it in the Constitution or prevent the State from
withdrawing from it, in part or whole, if need be.
In summary, Articles 1 to 3, as they now stand, assert that there is
an Irish nation extending throughout the 32 counties with a right to
sovereignty and, notwithstanding Article 29.7.1, can be construed as
stating that the people of Ireland are entitled to establish a united
Ireland by decision of a majority thereof. If, in practice, that can
be attained along with northern majority consent, well and good, but
at least a principle has thus been upheld in the face of the
six-county gerrymander. (Incidentally, the Preamble to the
Constitution also still refers to the aim of seeing ``the unity of our
country restored''.)
I believe that, when current papers of State and of various
individuals are opened up in decades to come, it will be seen that
what I have just described would not have been the case had it not
been for the pro-Articles 2 and 3 lobby. At the end of the day, and in
all the circumstances prevailing, I would suggest that lobby
discharged its duty to its country with reasonable success.
d, incidentally, when some commentators said after the referendum on
the Good Friday Document that the people had recognised partition,
they are clearly unaware that there are those who voted `yes' and had
not insofar as the question did not allow for different responses to
proposals for all-Ireland bodies, on the one hand, and the `each
jurisdiction' approach alluded to in the new Article 29, on the other.
Daltún Ó Ceallaigh
Neutrality betrayed
A Chairde,
On 1 December, Mr Andrews signed the documents to make Ireland a
member of NATO's Partnership for Peace (PfP), including the
appointment of an Ambassador to this nuclear armed military alliance.
He said that Ireland would not join NATO, but since he told the Irish
people, if Fianna Fáil was elected, Ireland would not join the PfP, he
can hardly expect anyone believes him.
Joining PfP is only a step towards the destruction of Irish
neutrality, joining NATO and the transformation of the EU into a
federal nuclear armed superstate, a new European Empire.
The French and English, 43 years after Suez, are now proposing to set
up a 50,000 to 60,000-strong Expeditionary Army, which is to be
approved by the EU summit in Helsinki on 10 December. Like PfP
membership, this is another step in the formation of the European
Army.
The Peace and Neutrality Alliance (PANA) led the campaign against the
PfP but the elite, as expected, refused a have a referendum. We will
continue to campaign against the formation of this new Empire. Since
the U.S. has just agreed to increase its military expenditure while
the European state spends half of what the U.S. spends as a proportion
of their GNP, the Irish people can expect pressure to spend more money
on defence. Why, one wonders, if the Irish Peace process seeks to take
the gun out of Irish politics, are we taking part in a European
Process to increase the number of weapons in international politics.
PANA supports an independent Irish foreign policy, Irish neutrality
and the United Nations and opposes the creation of a European Empire.
We would ask the media in the light of the Helsinki proposal to give
us coverage so we can put our case to the people.
Roger Cole,
Chair,
Peace and Neutrality Alliance,
Blackrock,
County Dublin
Treating depression
A Chairde,
I am writing to express my concern over two recent articles presented
in An Phoblacht.
article on the ``healing plant'', St John's Wort, drew my attention
only days after an article on male suicide. I felt the latter article
was not particularly balanced and did not really attempt a serious
considersation of the causes of suicide among young people.
A sense of hopelessness and isolation coupled with a feeling of
powerlessness to change current realities and circumstances form part
of the basis of this phenomenon. There are also very particular
individual criteria involved in each case of suicide.
It is painful because what what we see as manageable others just
don't. It has become a cultural phenomenon for managing unmanageable
realities. This is heartbreaking and not to be taken lightly.
Presenting St John's Wort as a panacea for all our ills will not help
people who need serious counselling and possible medication for
depression. As a sufferer of post natal depression, it is possible for
me to speak from experience. I tried St John's Wort before taking any
other form of medication. It provided short-lived relief from the
realities of my depression. Ultimately, its benefits turned out to be
an illusion in my case.
Serious depression needs serious investigation and treatment. To
self-prescribe drugs/herbal remedies in situations that possibly
require medical intervention causes me to commend the idea of St
John's Wort being available on prescription only. This would
necessitate a more thorough investigation of a person's mental state.
The cost of the remedy is prohibitive now, whereas a medical card
holder could receive the product on prescription free of charge if
approved.
St John's Wort is not a cure for all depression. Depression can lead
to suicide. Let us consider all the options to help people who are
affected and leave political considerations aside.
Debra Sloane,
Dundalk
Information please
A chairde,
Recently I was asked to help a researcher of a spectacular IRA
operation which occurred some time in 1915. As I could not find any
source for the information myself, I am appealing to readers with any
information on the operation to forward them to me at the below
address.
The details we have are that in 1915 (exact date unknown) a special
operation was organised using most of the available IRA Volunteers in
Belfast. Between 3am and 5am, they raided the Harland and Wolff
shipyard, specifically the dock where the cruiser HMS Glorious was
being built. They removed all the Lee Enfield or the Lee Metford
rifles which were stored either on magazine racks in a passageway or
in a locked arms magazine in the Glorious.
The IRA Volunteers moved the weapons into the nearby Markets and the
Short Strand areas as initial drop off points. The weapons were later
dispersed around the city.
The Glorious left Belfast in late 1915. As it would take nine months
to fit it out, the operation could have happened at any stage that
year.
Aengus O Snodaigh,
58 Parnell Square,
Dublin 1.
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