The Limerick Soviet
In the first of a two-part feature, Aengus O Snodaigh recalls
the heady days of the Limerick Soviet, which came and went 80 years
ago this month.
The turbulent period of the early 1920s in Ireland was also a time of
popular labour militancy, which was often frowned upon by the
conservative elements within the Sinn Féin leadership of the era.
During this period, the term `soviet' was adopted, in emulation of
their Russian counterparts, by the labour movement of the time with
regard to workplace occupations and the like. Over 100 such soviets
existed between 1917 and 1923.
Following the funeral of Volunteer Bobby Byrnes of Limerick City's
Second Battalion in April 1919 (see An Phoblacht, 8 April) ,tension
in the area heightened. The funeral was attended in clear defiance of
the state of Martial Law imposed on the area by the British
authorities following Byrnes's escape attempt from custody at
Limerick Union Hospital on April 6 1919, and the death of two RIC men
during the daring freedom bid.
A trade unionist, Byrnes had been in hospital under observation. He
was the leader of the hunger strike by republican POWs demanding
political status in the city jail. During the hunger strike,
solidarity with the POWs grew among the trade unionists in the city,
and when the authorities began enforcing their punitive measures, the
same trade union leaders initiated a campaign of protest against
them.
Before the funeral on April 9, the new military authority in Ireland,
General C. J. Griffin, declared most of Limerick City and part of the
county a special military area. Extra soldiers and police were
deployed to enforce this, setting up checkpoints at bridges across
the Shannon. Anyone who wanted to enter the city could only do so
with a permit issued by Griffin, bearing their photograph and
signature. Workers travelling to and from work were no exception and
it was this hardship which forced the labour movement to take the
decision to strike. It was proposed to levy the city's ratepayers to
pay the costs of this military operation.
On April 12, the workers at the Lansdowne plant of the Condensed Milk
Company downed tools. The workers belonged to the Irish Transport and
General Workers Union and the Irish Clerical and Allied Workers'
Union, and next day at an emergency meeting of the United Trades and
Labour Council they succeeded in getting the backing of all 35
affiliated unions for a general strike, beginning at 5am on the
morning of April 14. A Strike Committee (the Limerick Soviet) was set
up with Sean Cronin, the chair of the Trades Council, at its helm.
One of the first actions of the Strike Committee was to take over a
printing works in Cornmarket Row and to print a regular Workers'
Bulletin. Skeleton staffs were set up to ensure the maintenance of
gas, water and electricity supplies to the city. Subcommittees were
elected to take charge of ``propaganda, finance, food and vigilance''.
On the designated morning, 15,000 workers (Limerick population was
38,000 at the time) joined the strike, with only public utilities
under the skeleton staffs, the banks, civil servants and the railways
operating. Food producers were also exempt from the strike action, so
as to ensure an adequate food supply for the soviet. The railwaymen
came out two days later, after the required notice of 48 hours had
been given. The Chamber of Commerce issued a letter to the British
government condemning the imposition of the permits, while the Sinn
Féin Lord Mayor, James O'Mara, also backed the strike, not leaving
the area for the duration.
The Irish Independent said: ``The strike is complete in every way, and
it looks as if there is a possibility of a fierce struggle between
organised Labour and the Government.'' Hundred of journalists in the
city to cover the race to be first to fly across the Atlantic also
testified to this and gained the Soviet world-wide attention and
support. Daily press conferences were held by the Soviet leadership
to exploit the journalists' presence.
(continued next week)
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