Republican prisoners concerned about release halt
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On 8 March 1999, the governor of Portlaoise prison gave Gerry
Hanratty a list of release dates for all POWs. To Hanratty's
amazement, the release dates are the same dates each political
prisoner received upon conviction, which totally disregards the terms
of the Good Friday Agreement.
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There is growing concern among the republican prisoners in Portlaoise
prison that the Dublin government has stopped prisoner releases.
The Officer Commanding the POWs in Portlaoise, Gerry Hanratty, says:
``While there may be some truth in the assertion that the British
government is exerting pressure on the Dublin government to halt the
release of those prisoners previously held in English jails who were
subsequently repatriated to Portlaoise prison, that fact remains that
the power to release all IRA prisoners in the 26 counties remains
solely with the Dublin government''.
Gerry added: ``There is no clause within the European convention on
the repatriation and transfer of prisoners which requires any prior
consent from the British government before the Irish authorities
release any repatriated prisoner. It must be remembered also that the
Good Friday Agreement put in place mechanisms that enable the Irish
government to immediately release all twenty five remaining IRA
prisoners in Portlaoise prison, as the 25 POWs fulfill all the
criteria as laid down by the Good Friday Agreement.''
Gerry also points out that the reluctance of the Dublin government to
furnish all political prisoners with revised release dates is a cause
for further concern as, he says, ``The Dublin government, in signing
the Good Friday Agreement, is legally obliged to ``complete a review
process within a fixed time frame and set prospective release dates
for all qualifying prisoners.''
Despite repeated requests to the Justice Department through the
governor of Portlaoise prison for the revised release dates, no
revised dates have been forthcoming. On 8 March 1999, the governor of
Portlaoise prison gave Gerry Hanratty a list of release dates for all
POWs. To Hanratty's amazement, the release dates are the same dates
each political prisoner received upon conviction, which totally
disregards the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
Gerry emphasises that, ``the primary motivation of republican
prisoners is not to obtain release from prison, but rather a desire
to see an end to British interference in the internal affairs of the
Irish nation, the end of partition and the establishment of a
32-county democratic socialist republic''.
The POWs are obviously annoyed at the misreading of their motivation
by the Dublin government. Describing these feelings, Hanratty says:
``It would be remiss of us if we failed to point out to those who may
be labouring under any other illusion, that republicans would not
countenance, let alone concede, to prisoners being swapped in some
quid pro quo arrangement for weapons. It would be a gross
misunderstanding of the republican psyche to presume prisoners would
allow themselves to be used as bargaining chips.''
These concerns are coupled with the fact that the Dublin government
now has the dubious distinction of holding the longest serving
political prisoners of the conflict, men who are now into their 24th
year of incarceration. Furthermore, despite earlier assurances from
the government to be ``imaginative and generous'' in releasing
prisoners in their jurisdiction it is quite clear that prisoner
releases in the 26 counties have ground to a halt.
Prisoners express these concerns because, as Hanratty points out, ``It
is common knowledge that prisoners have played their part in
galvanising support for the republican leadership's attempts at
achieving a just and durable peace settlement. It is not mere hollow
rhetoric to say halting prisoner releases is very counter-productive
because by definition halting is the antithesis of movement and, as
we all know, movement is not only desirous but vital for ensuring the
continuing of confidence and stability.''