No illusions about new institutions
BY SEAN BRADY
The past week has witnessed the new Six County Assembly in
session and the experience has, for many commentators in the
media at least, been a major anti-climax.
Sinn Féin raised the issue of the use of the Irish language and
equal status is being sought for those who wish to contribute
through Irish. They also called for the national flag to be
flown.
Arms decommissioning was again used by unionist politicians in an
attempt to set preconditions on Sinn Féin involvement in the
Executive, with Gerry Adams responding forcefully that Sinn Féin,
as much as any other party, cannot deliver IRA decommissioning.
He added that the party would fulfil its commitments in relation
to this, as with every other issue.
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Sinn Fein is not a purely parliamentary party and republicans
have no intention of being cornered in the cul-de-sac of
parliamentarianism. The lessons of Irish history and our own
contemporary experience of political stuggle have made us all too
aware of the folly of such a singular course of action
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Further evidence of the continuing fragmentation of unionism came
with the emergence in the Assembly of a new unionist party. The
United Unionist Assembly Party consists of three Ulster Unionist
members who resigned last week after they had faced disciplinary
measures for breaking party rules by contesting the Assembly
elections as Independents.
Unlike those who were frustrated by the banality of the Assembly
this week, republicans never had any illusions about its place in
the wider scheme of things. Sinn Féin's strategy is to pursue the
Good Friday document to its outer limits. This involves
relentelss pursuit of short and medium term objectives such as
the establishment of all-Ireland structures, the abolition of the
RUC and delivery of the equality agenda. The Assembly is a forum
where these issues will be thrashed out and through which
attention will be drawn to them.
The entirely reasonable nature of nationalist political demands
for justice and equality can only be further higlighted through
the Assembly debates and coverage of them. Conversely the
spotlight should also be thrown on the naked sectarianism and
blind obduracy of those reactionary unionist politicians who will
attempt to limit the scope and application of the Good Friday
Agreement and who will use their numbers in the assembly as a
block to political progress.
The Six County Assembly and the Executive should not be seen as
the `be all' or `end all' for Sinn Féin in the days that lie
ahead. All of these institutions are entered into by Sinn Féin on
the basis of further pursuing republican objectives. The core
objective of republicans remains a united, independent and
sovereign Ireland.
Sinn Féin cannot afford to be distracted from its task of
building a 32-County political struggle. Nor will it.
The Six County Assembly, just like Leinster House, is merely
another vehicle through which Sinn Féin intends to represent the
interests of Irish republicanism. The uneven development of Sinn
Féin in the two states in Ireland may have obscured the reality
that the 26 Counties is as important an arena of struggle for
republicans as the occupied North. This is something which Sinn
Féin is determined to overcome. Sinn Féin must seek to increase
its party political strength North and South and to increase its
level of representation at all levels of government in both
states.
The Six County Assembly is for republicans but another front in
the struggle for Irish unity, a struggle which has many other
avenues for the pursuit of our objectives. Sinn Féin is not a
purely parliamentary party and republicans have no intention of
being cornered in the cul-de-sac of parliamentarianism. The
lessons of Irish history and our own contemporary experience of
political stuggle have made us all too aware of the folly of such
a singular course of action. Sinn Féin has always been and
remains a campaigning party. It has been through campaigns that
its greatest successes have been recorded over the years and
campaigns around the pressing issues will be essential in the
coming months.
Nothing can be taken for granted in the days ahead. None of the
gains that have been made would have been made without struggle.
The danger of complacency setting in among those who have
political responsibility must be guarded against. The great
strides which have been made towards building a lasting peace by
providing a path to justice in Ireland must now be consolidated
and built upon.
Apart from continung with the task of building Sinn Féin's
strength throughout the 32 Counties, republicans must not cease
in deepening our contacts with other political forces and
constantly working to strengthen the Irish nationalist consensus.
Republicans must ensure that Dublin does not now take its eye off
the ball in relation to the North. We need to seek a continued
and increased focus by the Dublin government, and indeed all of
the Leisnter House parties in the day-to-day affairs of the Six
Counties in the time that lies ahead. Sinn Féin will continue to
push the case for representation in the Oireachtas for residents
of the Six Counties. This is an important issue for Northern
nationalists and would be a concrete expression in the post Good
Friday era of the promises made to nationalists of the North by
the Dublin government.
There is a significant element within the SDLP whose inclination
would be to view the Good Friday document and the institutions
which have arisen from it as a political settlement. They are
vulnerable to the traps of parliamentarianism and cannot be
allowed to evade the need to pursue continued political progress
towards justice and a national democracy.
analogy which has been used to explain the dynamics of the
Peace Process is that of the slow cyclist. If the forward
momentum ceases, we run the danger of going backwards or falling
over. This must now be re-emphasised.
The struggle for peace with justice has entered a new phase. It
is still a significant way to the achievement of republican
goals. What is needed now are those qualities which have seen us
through the worst and the best of the past 30 years - dedication,
patience, loyalty, courage, flexibility, integrity and above all
our clear vision and total commitment to a free and united
Ireland.
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