Judging the victims
Sean O'Tuama examines how Kenneth Bloomfield's report downgrades
victims of state forces
At a press conference in Conway Mill on Monday the Relatives For
Justice (RFJ) group rejected the report of Kenneth Bloomfield,
the NIO appointed `commissioner for victims'.
RFJ Chairperson Monsignor Raymond Murray, along with relatives of
people murdered or maimed by the crown forces, expressed their
disappointment at the `We Will Remember Them' report and
criticised the appointment of Adam Ingram as Minister for
Victims.
In the report, which was published last week, Bloomfield said
that ``on a moral level'' the guilt or innocence of the victim was
a matter for ``a higher jurisdiction'' than himself. But he went on
to make only one oblique reference to all victims being equal
before declaring, in over a dozen separate instances that crown
forces `victims' are of `special concern', that they provided
`selfless service', and a `service to their community'. At one
point he describes the RUC, UDR and other state forces casualties
are `innocent victims of violence'.
The RFJ conference was held under a banner that parodied the
cover of the Bloomfield report; a couple were depicted sitting on
a bench, while a British soldier and an RUC man sighted their
rifles on them, beneath was the logo `They Wish To Forget About
Us'. Fr Murray said that the report put justice `on the long
finger'. Commenting on the meeting in early March between RFJ and
Bloomfield he said, ``it must be stressed that from the outset we
were not approached by Mr Bloomfield and a meeting only took
place after intensive lobbying by RFJ.''
The Monsignor and several of the relatives present emphasised
that for them the most important issues were truth and justice,
both of which were ``sidelined'' in the report. ``That our members
did not receive invitations to the launch of his report probably
confirms our inclination that his report would not reflect our
needs and interests,'' said Fr Murray. ``We were treated as second
class during the consultation process and were deemed second
class in the recommendations of his report.''
Fr Murray condemned the `League table of victims' in the
document, ``some of the dead take priority in this report -
British Army personnel, RUC members and prison officers are
deemed appropriate for `special concern'.'' Even though, as the
Monsignor pointed out ``they have killed over 400 people, tortured
both physically and mentally thousands more, they have maimed
others, including children with their weapons - all without fear
of prosecution or having to ever answer for their crimes.''
When asked if he thought the report was born out of insensitivity
or was politically motivated he said, ``it is avoidance of the
truth. Call it political, call it immoral, call it what you like.
It's all of these things.''
He spoke also of his personal experience of prisoners being
ill-treated and tortured while he was a prison chaplain. Other
members of RFJ spoke of their continuing harassment and attacks
by the crown forces because they have tried to pursue the murder
of their loved ones through the legal system. Emma Groves who was
blinded by a rubber bullet fired into her living room said, ``if
you cry out for justice you're intimidated by the state.'' Another
woman spoke of having her house raided and herself and her
children assaulted on a number of occasions by the Crown Forces
when she sought justice for the killing of her 13 year son, Brian
Stewart, by a plastic bullet.
Mark Thompson. whose brother Peter was shot dead by the British
Army, wondered how impartial Ingram could be considering that the
operations of the crown forces are included in his portfolio and
he (Ingram) recently rejected a call by the UN for an inquiry
into the murder of human rights lawyer, Pat Finucane and the
continuing harassment of legal representatives.
``I'm not voting in the referendum for people like Ingram'', Mark
said, ``they wish to forget about us, that's the motto for today.''
Concluding Monsignor Murray said, ``our members experience has
been the active cover up of the circumstances, leading up to,
during and in the aftermath of the deaths of our loved ones all
in the active interests of the State and its forces ... interests
which Mr Ingram is charged with continuing to protect.''
Mairead Kelly whose brother Patrick was murdered by state forces
at Loughgall in 1987 told An Phoblacht, ``our request for justice
is a main part of the peace process. We've tried to get meetings
with Mo Mowlam and Ingram and have faced a brick wall. Maybe they
hope we will just get tired and go away but we won't.''
She voiced the view of many of the Relatives for Justice that the
appointment of Adam Ingram as the minister for victims was ``an
insult'' and asked, `what is the reason behind it?'
``They have to open up every case of state killing,'' said Mairead,
``They can't forget about us, we're not a small minority. We will
get justice even if it takes ten, twenty or thirty years. We're
determined to continue.''
The Report - The Details
In the report itself the two paragraphs entitled Truth and
Justice, which dealt with state killings, had the title in
inverted commas thus diluting the legitimacy of the issue.
Also the Relatives for Justice had to fight to get a meeting with
Bloomfield during his consultation process while relatives of
members of the crown forces killed in the war were accorded the
privilege of `house calls'.
other category of victims that he refers to as having a
``special predicament'' are those excluded from Ireland for their
anti-social activities and the relatives of people who have
`disappeared'. However, those who have been injured or killed
through state collusion with loyalist death squads, victims of
the RUC's shoot to kill policy, those who have suffered in
torture centres and the victims of internment barely merit a
mention.
For example the loyalist bombing of Dublin and Monaghan in 1974,
in which 30 people were killed is recorded briefly in only two
places in the 68 page report. On the second occasion he admits
that the relatives of the victims of that attack believe that it
was carried out with the collusion of British Intelligence.
Bloomfield is dismissive of this claim, despite the body of
evidence to support it, coldly remarking that, ``I have no basis
upon which to judge such allegations.''
Nationalist concerns are not completely ignored. On the bottom of
page 64 one line is devoted to the possibility of a ban on
plastic bullets. This idea follows several pages and numerous
suggestions for a victims memorial. His proposed memorial ideas
include: bursaries and funds for relatives of the state forces
and their relatives; medals for ``all members of the security
forces who have been injured as a result of terrorism.''
A `non-physical memorial' he suggests is the abolition of all
remission for all political prisoners. Scholarships are also
mentioned as an appropriate memorial but only for ``carefully
chosen'' young people.
The possibility of a Truth Commission is proposed earlier in the
report before being quickly consigned to some vague political
arena.
Also the breakdown of the £10m fund for the victims of the last
thirty years announced by the British government last week is no
doubt inspired by Bloomfield's report. £5 million of the money
will go to the RUC; they constitute only 10% of the victims but
are to be awarded 50% of the funds. Those who have been
victimised by the RUC and other crown forces over the same thirty
year period have to date received a mere quarter of a million
pounds from the British state forces.
y victim of state violence, or indeed any Nationalist or
Republican, reading this report will quickly find themselves,
their concerns and rights, fading into insignificance.
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