Not a solution, but the potential for a solution
Brian Campbell assesses the end of an historic phase in
the struggle
No one can doubt the historic nature of events this
week in Castle Buildings at Stormont. Tough,
uncompromising negotiations produced a document which
will now become the focus of much debate in the coming
weeks. Republicans will scrutinise it and assess it
against their objectives.
Speaking on Friday afternoon, after a gruelling week
for his negotiating team, Gerry Adams said:
``For now it is time to draw a breath. It is time to
reflect. Republicans and nationalists will come to this
document with scepticism but also with hope. They will
ask does it offer a chance of a way forward. Is it a
new beginning?''
Republicans always saw this engagement as a phase in
the struggle. As Adams said:
``These negotiations and the new arrangements which
result from them are part of our collective journey
from the failures of the past and towards a future of
equals. We remain absolutely committed to our Irish
republican objectives. We will continue to pursue these
objectives in the months and years ahead.''
All these questions should be in republicans' minds as
they study the document. Certainly it is not a
republican wish list but it has positive elements which
must be measured against our short and long term
objectives.
Mitchel McLaughlin, on Friday morning before the final
document appeared, pointed to the main elements of the
document which republicans will study:
``The core issues are British constitutional change, the
proposed nature and power of All-Ireland institutions
and the need to remove the unionist veto in
institutions in all three strands. The issues of
policing and prisoners are also critical.
``As we have always stressed and as other successful
peace processes prove, a comprehensive package on all
issues which removes the causes of conflict is required
to secure a lasting peace.''
Gerry Adams made it clear on Friday that the Sinn Féin
negotiating team will go back to the party's Ard
Comhairle who will assess the document in the context
of their peace strategy. ``Does it remove the causes of
conflict? Can it be developed and is it transitional?
As in the past we will approach this development in a
positive manner,'' he said.
Republicans will also be looking back at the
negotiations to find what lessons can be learned from
the intensive engagement with their opponents. In
particular, the final, fraught few days of talks hold
many lessons.
These past days the nature of Unionism has been exposed
once again, confirming that political philosophy's
inherent reactionary nature. Also exposed - in the
intense heat of the final negotiations - was the
Unionists' friends in high places in the British
establishment. These are all people who do not wish to
see progressive change in Ireland and who will work
very hard to prevent it.
Right to the bitter end the Unionists stuck to the only
strategy they know, and a strategy which they have
employed since the start of this process. They tried to
prevent meaningful change and they tried to block
republicans at every turn. They fought for the status
quo. And Unionists at the heart of the British
establishment backed them.
Unionist tactics on Tuesday were designed to push the
Mitchell paper in a Unionist direction. By screaming so
publicly about its (secret) contents they hoped to
pressurise the governments into movement. They also
aimed to create a public impression that it was a
nationalist-leaning document, hence making it more
difficult for Sinn Féin or the SDLP to push amendments.
The suspicion is that the UUP's speedy rejection was
pre-planned. Certainly, Trimble's regular meetings with
Tony Blair would have amply prepared him for any shocks
and the document could not have been a surprise for
him.
What must be emphasised is that Mitchell's paper was
``not a green document''. Several Sinn Féin spokespersons
said the party had problems with it.
In a significant development, on Tuesday, when the
pressure was on, Alliance came out strongly as
Unionists. John Alderdice supported David Trimble in
his opposition to the Mitchell paper. He didn't spell
out publicly what he objected to but he weighed in on
the Unionist side. With the UUP, UDP and Alliance
rejecting the document as a basis for negotiation, its
``unpicking'' began.
What took place was the practical application of the
Unionist veto, supported by influential Unionists in
high places.
Sinn Féin worked absolutely tirelessly in fighting
their corner and all republicans owe a debt of
gratitude to the Sinn Féin talks team for their hard
work and skill over the months. Those who saw it at
first hand were always mightily impressed.
Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness were absolutely right
on Wednesday when, before they met Tony Blair, they
said:
``We are mindful of the Unionist perspective, but on the
core issues of justice, equality and the right of the
people of this island to live together in peace without
division, no British government will face us down.
``This particular generation of Irish republicans will
not be faced down by any British government on any of
the core issues.''
On Friday, Gerry Adams summed up the feelings of
republicans when he said:
``Sinn Féin has a vision of the future. Of an Ireland
free from division and conflict. A society in which
there is equality for all citizens. And where all our
people can live together in peace. This can be achieved
in our lifetime. It is this republican vision which has
guided us throughout the years and in particular
through this peace process. Indeed, this weekend
republicans will commemorate the 82nd anniversary of
the 1916 Rising, an event that inspired and continues
to inspire myself and other republicans.
``In commending the men and women Volunteers of that
era, I want also to commend today's IRA Volunteers for
their discipline and commitment.
``While the document produced this morning contains
elements which are positive, there are others yet to be
resolved. So much more has to be done.''
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