Nicaragua's counter-revolution
By Dara MacNeil
>Last October, Arnoldo Aleman defeated Daniel Ortega in the
Nicaraguan presidential elections. Aleman was the candidate of
the hastily-contrived Liberal Alliance, a crude union of new
wealth, former contras and shady remnants of the Somoza regime
the Sandinistas overthrew in 1979.
While Aleman's father was a government official during the Somoza
regime, his links with the seedier side of Latin American
politics run far deeper. Chief among his backers were: Miami's
anti-Castro lunatics (they provided finance); one Byron Jerez, a
Nicaraguan who reputedly participated in Somoza's infamous Mano
Blanco (White Hand) Death Squads; a nephew of the deposed
dictator; and a plethora of businessmen and ranchers who
positively drooled at the prospect of retrieving property
expropriated by the Revolution - property they stole in the first
place.
They didn't have to wait long. As the previous president Violetta
Chamorro had effectively dismantled whatever semblance of the
Sandinista-built welfare state was left standing after years of a
US embargo and Contra attacks on health centres and schools, it
was never quite clear what was left for Aleman to do. The
presence of the former Somoza ranchers and businessmen in his
campaign hinted at one possibility.
Thus, within five months of acceding to power, Aleman has begun
the big handover. In recent days, the Nicaraguan army have
`handed back' land on which it had built a base, to its former
`owner' Roberto Guillen. Mr Guillen - before a brief sojourn in
Miami - was no less a personage than General Roberto Guillen, a
key member of the National Guard command staff. The National
Guard under Somoza were nothing more than a band of
poorly-trained state terrorists.
d Aleman's government have made it clear that this is only the
beginning. The same rules will apply to all property currently
held by the Nicaraguan army. And just in case the message didn't
get through, Aleman himself has said that any members of the
Somoza family (the dictator was killed in Paraguay, where he fled
after being overthrown) wishing to ``reclaim'' property which had
belonged to them, could do so without ``any problem.'' Charging
them with `trafficking in stolen goods' might be more
appropriate.
The 20th anniversary of the triumph of the Nicaraguan revolution
falls in 1999. And the Nicaraguan right seems determined to
restore the country to its pre-79 condition by that date.
Already, remarkable progress has been made: Nicaragua today is
the second poorest country in the region and the most indebted
poor country in the world. Unemployment runs as high as 50%, and
the infant mortality rate is among the highest in Latin America.
On current form Aleman et al could well come in ahead of target.
US helped death squads
Back in the 1980s, it was fashionable in certain media circles -
the US provided the lead - to attribute nothing but good
intentions to US policy in Central America. That this feat was
successfully accomplished when Ronald Reagan stalked the earth
hardly seems credible now. In retrospect, it makes it nothing
less than a remarkable propaganda success.
Thus, the US was `there to help the people of El Salvador', as
opposed to being there `to help a few of the people of El
Salvador prevent the rest of the people of El Salvador
establishing a semi-decent society.' So when campesinos (or nuns)
were massacred, no fingers pointed at Washington. Instead, news
reports relayed faithfully White House `concerns' that `the
extremists were gaining the upper hand', to quote one
contemporary
favourite. To suggest otherwise was heresy.
In October 1989, Cesar Joya, a deserter from the El Salvadoran
army admitted to torturing and murdering two campesinos the
previous July. Joya insisted he had not worked alone, but at the
behest of and in tandem with two ``US officials.'' According to
Joya, one of the officials specialised in compiling ``lists of
suspects.''
It doesn't take a great leap of imagination to connect this
apparently innocuous activity with that of El Salvador's
notoriously proficient and well-informed death squads. But, of
course, such a leap of the imagination was never made and Joya
was ignored.
However, documents have recently come to light which support
Joya's story regarding the US role in El Salvador.
The documents reveal the existence of training manuals given to
Salvadoran soldiers by their US military trainers. Numbering
seven in all, the manuals recommended: the execution of suspected
guerrillas; the kidnapping of family members of known insurgents
(execution presumably followed); blackmail; torture and, quite
perversely payment of compensation for ``enemy deaths.''
Guess how many lines this story will get in the mainstream press?