Iran awakes to a new ideological revolution
Special report by Ann Maguire in Teheran
Seventeen years after the Islamic revolution lead by Khomeini,
Iranians are craving for more freedom. The moderate cleric
President who begins his mandate in August is a sign that Iran
has come to an ideological turning point.
Iran is a country where the power of convictions rule and
victories against imperialistic States are the stuff of myth. Our
cab driver can't help grinning as he pulls up on the Bobby Sands
Street in Teheran where the tall walls barricade the British
Embassy. ``See, we know who he was and what happened to him and
the others'', he boasts before explaining how ``the English have
tried to move the embassy because they are embarrassed to have
people wait for their visas on the street of a man who stood up
against them''. But whatever the location, the British Embassy
will always be on the same street. ``All Iranians remember what
happened to him and the others'', he boasts before cracking a few
jokes about how ``them roast-beefs tired to steal our oil''.
As the orange taxi stops under the street sign where the name of
the hunger-striker is printed in Farsi and Latin characters, his
eyes lighten up. ``Bobby Sands was murdered because of his
convictions. We too have very strong convictions. This is
hopefully what will make things change in our country'', he
whispers.
The will for change has rarely been so high in Iran. Seventeen
years after the Islamic revolution lead by Khomeini, the blind
faith in religious values, in the fight against imperialistic
states and the hopes of an equal society have gradually faded.
``Its as if the revolutionary ideology died when Imam Khomeini did
in 19**, comments Ali Shapour, English teacher at Teheran
University. He was one of the strongest and most charismatic
figures of history and no one has been able to replace him among
Iranians''.
Today, the people have lost trust in a clerical government which
is synonym of an intrusive, stifling and corrupt leadership. The
turbaned mullahs are accused of not being able to put an end to
the persistent economical crisis and outrageous inflation rates
that have overcast the potential of the oil-rich state. In the
past months, the application of strict Islamic rules, that for
example lead to foreign media and culture censorship, have
encouraged public protests that would have been crushed in no
time by the security forces a few months back.
It is clear that Iran has reached a turning point. The western
image of Iran evokes religious fanaticism and submissive women.
Iran is automatically associated with the Salman Rhusdie case.
But this image clashes with reality. After the notorious
religious revolution, another has awakened, advocating more
freedom, modernism and openness. A spirt of rebellion lingers,
especially among the youth, women and sorely harassed
intellectuals. ``It is as if we have woken up from years of
hibernation'', explains a senior editor of the leading Women's
magazine Zena. We have had enough of a regime that interferes
constantly with our private lives. As good Muslims, we will
always follow the Islamic laws. We will always go to the mosque
three times a day and will pray together. But what goes on behind
closed doors is our own business. The youth are becoming more
sensitive to this and if the government give us more freedom, the
youth in particular will stir up trouble''.
The change of mentality is obvious in everyday life, even if
religion stays a key value. The government and the ``guardians of
the Islamic revolution'', who control the police forces, have
become more tolerant on the so-called ``moral rules'' vehemently
opposed by the youth. Although make-up is strictly forbidden and
subject to a fine, women of all ages stroll in town with pick or
red lipstick and heaps of mascara and blush painted on their
faces. They hav also transformed the obligatory veil into a
fashion item, loosely knotting a coloured scarf over their hair
and wearing an overcoat of the same colour. At the university,
number of of teachers have taken the risk or organising foreign
literature courses which would officially be prohibited.
Relationships have always been a problem, as it is punishable for
girls to go out with a man who is not a close-family relative.
But teenagers seem to not care. It is common for them to meet up
with their boyfriends in parks and cafes before driving off to a
party where alcoholic drinks are served and ``satanic music'' such
as techno and rock n'roll echo till the early hours of the
morning.
As the young brave the rules, younger children and families who
can afford it watch the latest Miss Venezuela contest or more
commonly American-style soap operas brought to them by the
prohibited satellite dish. ``People are willing to take more risks
today,'' resumed Ali, a factory work who had to pay a £50 fine to
get his 20-year-old son out of a ``punishment house'' where he had
been kept a night after the police had raided a private birthday
party.'' It has become a gambling game fo us to defy the rule and
give ourselves our own freedom''.
The status of women has also long been misjudged by the west and
is not comparable with Arab countries of the Middle East or
Algeria. As the main pillar of the family, the majority bring up
their children and stay at home. But women also occupy posts of
high responsibility in private companies or within the
governmental administration and ministries.
The most obvious sign of the wish for more freedom and modernism
came with the stunning presidential vote last May. For many
months, it had been a foregone conclusion that the new President
would be the conservative speaker of parliament Ali Akbar
Nategh-Nouri. As the establishment candidate, he had been backed
by the government. In a system where political parties are
forbidden and the candidates pre-elected by a religious council,
the new President turned out to be Mohammed Khatami, a moderate
cleric whose landslide victory (68.7%) was a revolution in itself
and was interpreted as a protest vote.
As a former culture minister Khatami was forced to resign after
having advocated too much cultural freedom. But his views hadn't
changed with the years. During his western style political
campaign, the new president, nicknamed Ayatollah Gorbatchev, had
given a new interpretation of an Islamic republic and some real
hope for change, promising for example female portfolios within
his cabinet and massive cultural reforms.
But the president's followers seem to hope for more than he will
actually be able to deliver in August, when he take sup his new
office. All reforms will be bound to the approval of the very
conservative parliament, and the final word of the supreme
religious leader. On foreign policy, Khatami will also have to
face number of problems. He will have to deal with dead-lock
relations between Iran, America and especially European Union
countries, including Ireland, who cut all relations after a
Berlin court ruled that Iranian leaders had been implicated in
the murder of two opposition members. The new president is also
expected by all toe encourage progress in the Middle-East peace
process and the future status of Palestine.
Although hopes are unreasonably high, Iranians don't seem too
concerned about what Khatami will be able to achieve. What counts
is that the voice advocating change and freedom was heard. The
leadership, in which the new President appears like a black
sheep, now have no choice but to listen to the peace. What counts
more than all is to reform by following the firm convictions of
Iranians that more freedom is the best bet for the future.
Iranian political prisoners die on hunger strike
The Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in exile reports
that four political prisoners who had gone on ``dry'' hunger
strike, along with tens of others, in Tabriz prison since June 24
died on July 5.
Iranian officials, ``Guardians'', informed their families of the
deaths, citing stomach haemorrhage, and forbade the families to
hold funerals.
The association suspects that the four - Jafar Abbasi, Abdolreza
Hamedi, Hamidreza Dadashi and Mehrdad Vesoghi - may have died
from torture, following repeated reports of torture in order to
break the hunger strikers' resistance and make them eat.
Since July 2, political prisoners have not been allowed to
receive visitors, to prevent news of the hunger strike and deaths
being publicised outside the prisons. The father of one Tabriz
prison hunger striker was told that his son, along with 27 other
hunger strikers, was transferred to Evin prison in Tehran.
Families fear the transfer story could be a cover for their
deaths. The ban son family visits in Shiraz, Isfahan, Tabriz and
Ahwaz prisons have also brought an anxiety to prisoners' families
and more rumours of deaths of political prisoners, hunger
striking since June 7.
In another report, Mohsen Tonavi and six other political
prisoners detained din the prison in Isfahan city, are thought to
have been executed.
The association is calling on organisations and individuals to
protest to the Iranian government for the lives of the political
prisoners and hunger strikers. Messages can be sent to the
Embassy of the Islamic Republican of Iran, PO Box 3219, Manuka
ACT 2603; fax (06) 290 2431.
From Green Left Weekly, Australia 23 July
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