Labour fails first test
BY MICHEAL MacDONNCHA
Those Irish republicans and nationalists who dared to hope that
the New Labour government might provide a new direction in
Anglo-Irish relations have been outraged by the appalling
performance of the new regime as it failed miserably in its first
big test.
While republicans were always conscious of the disastrous record
of British Labour governments in relation to Ireland they were
entitled to expect that Labour would display fresher thinking and
a more pro-active approach than the Tories. Sinn Féin did
cautiously welcome the latest position of the Tony Blair
government regarding Sinn Féin entry to talks. Gerry Adams
acknowledged that the British government had taken up positions
which are in advance of the last government.
In a key paragraph in his 25 June response to the British
position Gerry Adams said that the situation ``on a whole range of
issues of democratic and civil rights, which effect the day to
day lives of nationalists, requires urgent attention. This is
critical to building confidence.''
d how did the Labour government proceed to build confidence?
Five days before Gerry Adams issued that statement British
Secretary of State Mo Mowlam, RUC Chief Ronnie Flanagan, Security
Minister Adam Ingram, and `Independent' Parades Commission
chairperson Alastair Graham had reached a consensus that Orange
feet should march down the Garvaghy Road. As John Hume put it
pithily on Tuesday they had agreed that the solution to the
problem on the Garvaghy Road was the problem itself - the Orange
march.
`Consensus' is the important word in the leaked 20 June document.
Despite all of Mo Mowlam's painful-to-watch protestations to the
contrary the key decision had been made before she set out on her
round of talks with Orangemen and nationalist residents. The
document clearly describes the British government's ``negotiating
brief'' as ``finding the lowest common denominator for getting some
Orange feet on the Garvaghy Road''.
Mowlam claimed that the document looked at options but the entire
document is based on the consensus as outlined. Most of it deals
with how to get this result through negotiations if possible, how
to present the negotiations publicly, the need for favourable
media coverage of the final decision. Only one short paragraph is
devoted to `other options'. This is highly revealing as it says
``a ban on the march with compensating measures for the Orangemen
would not be excluded from the negotiations''. So the nationalist
community on the Garvaghy Road was granted the courtesy from the
British government that its demand would not be off the talks
agenda.
That, it seems, was as near as the British came to taking an
alternative decision. There was no question of them facing down
Orange bigotry and unionist intransigence. They followed the
pattern or all previous British governments. The British regime
in the North - the Northern Ireland Office, the British Army and
the RUC - was on automatic pilot and headed in the unionist
direction it always takes. Turning off the automatice pilot,
giving a new direction to British policy, would require real
political will from Westminster. On the evidence of last weekend
that political will is not there.
Despite having a huge majority in Parliament the Labour
government behaved last week no better than the Major
administration whose dependence on David Trimble's unionists
became notorious towards the end of its term of office. It has
deployed the rhetoric of reconciliation and even-handedness while
implementing a policy that has reinforced sectarianism and
continued the old pro-unionist agenda. On 2 November 1995 An
Phoblacht opened its pages to Mo Mowlam who contributed an
article which spoke of a ``shared journey towards mutual trust''
and a ``new foundation of trust and confidence''. Policing, she
said, ``needs action to ensure that both communities feel equally
treated''.
Look at those statements in light of the capitutlation to the
threat of another unionist revolt such as happened last year.
Measure them against the implementation of the Drumcree decision
by massive British army and RUC force deployed against a small
defenceless nationalist community.
Gerry Adams speaking at a Belfast press conference on Tuesday
said that the leaked document was evidence of ``a planned betrayal
of the Garvaghy Road by this British governmewnt''. He said:
``As an Irish republican I am not surprised by this British
government's approach. British Secretaries of State come to this
part of Ireland to defend British interests. British policy which
lies at the heart of this conflict is based on the union and the
union is founded on the unionist veto.
``After Tony Blair's pro-union Belfast speech I warned that the
same officials working under Major are still making and
implementing policy under Blair. They are still working to an old
script. They are still giving the same bad advice and still
pursuing a security/military agenda.''
It should not be forgotten that the present crisis has come about
because of the unwillingness of the Orange Order to sit down and
talk face to face with nationalist residents' groups. Their
attitude of exclusion is echoed by the British government in the
talks process with its refusal to recognise Sinn Féin's mandate
and to treat its voters on a par with all others. Last weekend
Orange and unionist intransigence was rewarded again.
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern has come under flak from John Bruton for
stating that the Orange march should not be forced down Garvaghy
Road. Yet again Bruton's disastrous position on the Six Counties
has been highlighted. But the support nationalists seek from the
Dublin government was expressed by Breandán MacCionnaith on 2
July:
``I get the impression that the Taoiseach realises that as the
leader of nationalist Ireland he has a duty to all nationalists
in Ireland, and he has a particular duty to those nationalist
communities such as ours that are bearing the brunt of unionist
and Orange domination.''
On Wednesday when Leinster House reassembled for the final two
days' sittings before the recess, Sinn Féin TD Caoimhghin O
Caoláin called on the government to give a lead to create
progress out of the present crisis situation in the Six Counties.
He said:
``The government carries a heavy responsibility to give a lead on
two fronts. Firstly they must strongly represent the Irish
national interest, and the rights of nationalists in the Six
Counties, in the face of a British government which has outraged
Irish opinion. In yet again conceding to the threat of violent
unionism the British Labour government has carried on the
shameful tradition of all its predecessors.
``Secondly the government needs in a thoughtful and intelligent
way to apply itself to seeking international support for the
right of people in the Six Counties to equality.
``The betrayal of nationalist communities by Mo Mowlam
demonstrates most starkly the need for equality which we in Sinn
Féin, in our approach to rebulding the peace process, have
clearly identified as essential to progress.
``How can the British government which made these decisions
declare itself to have no selfish strategic interest? The Irish
government must provide the counter-balance.''
The Sinn Féin TD also made a call that Leinster House should
remain in session during the present period of crisis in the Six
Counties.
``In the present situation it is unacceptable that this
legislature, which has just been elected, should this week be
adjourning for all of three months. This House should remain in
session for another week and there should be an early recall well
before the proposed 30 September resumption. Both on the serious
situation in the Six Counties and the other pressing issues which
we face the legislators are failing the people if they adjourn
for this prolonged period.''
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