Republican News · Thursday 9 January 1996

[An Phoblacht]

Opening salvo in electoral battle

By Mícheál MacDonncha

The campaign for the next Westminster general election got underway in earnest in the Six Counties this week. That was the context of the exchanges between Gerry Adams and John Hume on the prospect of an electoral agreement between the two parties.

John Hume began the exchange with an article in the Sunday Independent on 5 January. It was clearly the opening salvo in the electoral battle between the SDLP and Sinn Féin. It is customary at the start of every election campaign for the SDLP to raise the issue of Sinn Féin abstention from Westminster and Hume did so again in his newspaper article. Their attendance at Westminster has always been seen by the SDLP as a strong electoral asset as against Sinn Féin abstention. The added element this time was when Hume linked a call for an end to Sinn Féin abstention to the question of an electoral agreement. Ending abstention and an IRA ceasefire would be necessary for an agreement, argued Hume.

John Hume's article turned into an electoral address in earnest when he asserted that ``for the last quarter century the SDLP has single-handedly carried the burden of representing the nationalist case''. And the following rhetorical question amounted to an absurd demand for Sinn Féin to stand aside in favour of the SDLP:

``If they cannot jettison the policy of abstention, is not the real logic of that position that they should abstain totally from an election to a parliament they do not recognise, and in which they would not sit if elected?''

Sinn Féin would never accede to such a demand, effectively abandoning its electorate. Gerry Adams described as ``preposterous'' the suggestion that his party should stand aside:

``Many Sinn Féin representatives paid with their lives for the right to represent the republican and nationalist electorate. Given the rejection by the SDLP of any feasible electoral arrangement, we are duty-bound to give voters the opportunity to endorse Sinn Féin's analysis and leadership in all constituencies in the forthcoming British general election.''

Adams said that the SDLP leadership had ``ruled out involvement in any realistic strategy to reverse the anomaly of unionists misrepresenting nationalist consitituencies''. There will be great disappointment among nationalists not only in the Six Counties but across the whole country that no such agreement could be made. It would have maximised nationalist representation and dealt a severe blow to unionism. At present there are four nationalist MPs (Foyle, Newry/Armagh, South Down and West Belfast). A nationalist pact could conceivably deliver these and four more seats - West Tyrone, Mid-Ulster, Fermanagh-South Tyrone and North Belfast.

Sinn Féin has argued consistently over many years that nationalists should join forces to wrest these seats from unionists and maximise nationalist representation. The problem has been the unwillingness of the SDLP to play ball. They have always seen such a move as a threat to their position as the dominant nationalist party. This strong trend in the SDLP predates the peace process. It was given special focus by the victory of Joe Hendron, with the help of loyalist votes, over Gerry Adams in West Belfast in 1992. Hendron and his followers know that they will be up against it this time to retain their seat. They have most to lose from any electoral rapprochement between the two parties and have been very active in opposition to any deal.

But Sinn Féin has every reason to be going into this election with confidence. Its showing in last May's forum election was excellent, demonstrating the resilience of the Sinn Féin vote and the potential to expand it. Nowhere is this better seen than in Mid-Ulster. In a trenchant statement this week the party's representative in Mid-Ulster Francie Molloy pointed out that Sinn Féin is the largest party in the constituency in terms of voter support and the best placed to oust sitting MP Willie McCrea of Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party. Sinn Féin topped the poll in the May election, receiving 13,001 votes and electing two members.

``The re-election of McCrea does not bear thinking about,'' said Francie Molloy. ``This is a Sinn Féin seat. In the forthcoming elections the people of Mid-Ulster will have the opportunity to remove McCrea and elect an MP who will represent their interests at this crucial time in our country.''

Molloy also dismissed the SDLP argument about abstentionism. He said the issue was a diversion and ``Irish politicians should not exaggerate the value of attendance in the London parliament. The refusal of Sinn Féin represenatives to take an oath of allegiance to the English queen has not prevented us from representing our electorate.''

 

y day now the internal electoral battle within unionism will break out. The focus will shift away from Westminster where David Trimble and his Ulster Unionist party MPs have been exercising their influence over John Major, and back to the hustings in the Six Counties. As the end of the Major administration drew near the hold which Trimble had on the Tory government because of its diminished parliamentary majority was always going to wane. But Trimble has been weakened further by an event revealed on Monday 6 January. It turns out that a majority of the nine UUP MPs rebelled against Trimble and his deputy leader John Taylor in a crucial pre-Christmas vote in the Commons.

Trimble and Taylor wanted them to vote against Major on a fisheries bill but the MPs refused. This is a serious blow to Trimble's leadership. It weakens his ability to force concessions from the dying Major regime and, more significantly, compromises him in any approaches he may make to Labour leader Tony Blair, the probable replacement for Major. How can he guarantee that he can `deliver' his MPs' votes to back any deal?

No doubt the DUP will be poised to take advantage of Trimble's difficulties and their first opportunity will be at the resumed Stormont talks next week. They are set to move even further away from the real talks they purport to be, as electoral considerations predominate. With such a prospect, and with IRA actions escalating, the situation looks gloomy indeed. But in spite of the increased electoral temperature efforts by Gerry Adams and John Hume to revive the peace process are continuing.

As Sinn Féin party chair Mitchel McLaughlin pointed out in his Sean Sabhat oration at the weekend the process of building lasting peace is ``irrevocable''. The challenge republicans and nationalist threw down to unionists and the British government - the challenge to participate in real negotiations, remains. The challenge to republicans themselves remains also - the challenge to adapt all their strategies and tactics to take full advantage of every political opportunity for the advacement of the republican cause.

Contents Page for this Issue
Reply to: Republican News