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Mexico's war against its people
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By Dara MacNeil
It is just over three years since Mexico's wealthy elite
finally gained access to the Big Boy's Club. On New Year's
Day, 1994, the country became a member of the exclusive
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), along with
Canada and the US.
This was the reward for decades of slithering up to its rich
neighbours to the north, a process characterised by an
equally determined effort to detach itself economically and
politically from the impoverished Americas to the south.
Opponents of NAFTA claimed the accord was little more than a
charter for profiteers that would ultimately bleed the great
mass of Mexico's population, while enriching the few.
Already that prediction is coming to pass.
While Mexico prior to NAFTA's inauguration was no paradigm
of social equity, it is clear the country's deep-rooted
problems were exacerbated by the free trade accord which,
ironically, was sold to the populace as a panacea for all
its ills.
Today, Mexico is experiencing its worst economic depression
this century. Of an employable population of 36 million, a
mere 9.4 million hold full-time jobs, while the UN estimates
that 37 percent of the country's 90 million people live in
extreme poverty.
Social unrest has followed, most graphically with the
arrival on the national scene of the insurgent Peoples'
Revolutionary Army (EPR) in June 1996.
More insidious, however, has been the regime's response to
any form of opposition to its rule. Increasingly civil
authority - in the form of the courts and police - has been
usurped by the country's army. Thus huge areas of Mexico
have been effectively militarised, especially those states
in the south and southwest of the country believed to
harbour insurgent forces. (The EPR are believed to be based
in states on the southwestern seaboard, while the Zapatista
rebels are located in the southern state of Chiapas).
In addition, the police forces of some twenty five states
are now - coincidentally of course - headed by `former'
military officers: the epithet `former' providing a
convenient camouflage for an obvious strategy.
Militarisation has also resulted in a huge new construction
programme, involving the building of army bases and
permanent military checkpoints, again predominantly in the
south and southwest. Moreover, each Mexican state has now
developed what amounts to a parallel military
administration, commanded by an army general. And for the
first time in decades, Mexico has been subjected to
recurrent rumours of imminent military coups.
Many of these changes have taken place under the auspices of
a war on drugs - the same pretence which allowed Colombia to
eradicate a whole generation of radical opposition leaders.
Invariably, this phoney war has involved closer cooperation
with the US military: both armies recently engaged in joint
manoeuvres, while the Pentagon has requested some $10
billion in military assistance for its Mexican colleagues.
This year, the US will also dispatch four C-26 planes and 50
helicopters south of the border: helicopters being
particularly useful when combating rural-based insurgents.
In addition, a Mexican newspaper now claims that, in 1994,
the US promised military assistance - including troops -
should the regime ever be seriously threatened by
insurgency.
Nothing, it appears, will be allowed to jeopardise the
opportunities for enrichment afforded by NAFTA. Not even the
Mexican people.