Towards a Lasting Peace - five years on
BY MICHEAL MacDONNCHA
Writing in this paper five years ago this month, Danny
Morrison, then a prisoner in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh, made
the following statement: ``The only certain way to stop young
nationalists from taking up arms is to provide them with a
credible alternative to armed struggle.''
That same month, February 1992, Sinn Féin published its
historic discussion document Towards a Lasting Peace. Few
could have predicted what a watershed that would prove to
be. The same issue of the paper that carried Morrison's
article also reported on the funerals of IRA Volunteers
Patrick Vincent, Kevin Barry O'Donnell, Sean O'Farrell and
Peter Clancy who were ambushed and killed by the British
Army outside Coalisland, County Tyrone, on 16 February.
The following week the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis that adopted the
Towards a Lasting Peace document was held in the
Ballyfermot Community Centre. That was the venue because in
November 1991 Dublin City Council had barred Sinn Féin from
the Mansion House. The climate of political reaction against
republicanism and historical revisionism was at its height.
After a storm of hysteria led by Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil TD
James McDaid had been forced to step down as Taoiseach
Charles Haughey's nominee for Minister of State for Defence
in a Cabinet reshuffle because he had given evidence on
affidavit at the trial of a Donegal republican 12 years
earlier.
The campaign for the repeal of Articles Two and Three of the
1937 Constitution was at its height. Its most prominent
supporter was Fine Gael leader John Bruton. A climate had
been created, with the aid of Section 31 censorship and
virtual apartheid against republicans and advanced
nationalists, that made such a political alignment
possible. It co-incided with an intensified loyalist
campaign of assassination aimed especially at Sinn Féin
members and supporters.
In spite of all this there was a spirit of defiance at the
1992 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis. ``Sinn Féin is not going away'' was
the message and so it proved to be in the following two
years when the party's peace strategy developed. In place
were the elements - the Hume-Adams dialogue, the involvement
of the Reynolds government, the White House engagement -
that were to lead to the peace process.
The reactionary, revisionist, anti-nationalist voices who
had been so loud for years at first railed against the
Hume-Adams dialogue and the ensuing peace process. But the
extent of public support for the new initiative soon
silenced all but the most extreme of the begrudgers. A new
political climate had been created, particularly in the 26
Counties.
Speaking in Sligo last weekend Sinn Féin
Vice-President Pat Doherty put it this way:
``For years nationalist Ireland, North and South, had been
subjected to a relentless barrage from a small but powerful
number of well-placed people telling them that partition was
here to stay, that a united Ireland was not only not
achievable but positively undesirable. The unionists were
portrayed as reasonable and moderate, victims of a
republican campaign to drive them out of Ireland. And the
British? They were honourable and honest brokers trying to
bring about reform, if indeed reform was really needed. The
peace process exposed those lies.''
The reasons for the breakdown of what will come in time to
be known as the First Peace Process have been thoroughly
analysed. The reponsibility of the British government and
the unionists is well known. But five years on from Towards
a Lasting Peace it is useful for republicans to assess the
gains made. These include:
- The reawakening of public consciousness on the national
question in the 26 Counties.
- The exposure of the sectarian nature of the Six Counties
both nationally and internationally.
- The exposure of the intransigence of unionism.
- The ending of the myth of the British government's
`neutrality' in the conflict.
- The internationalisation of the Irish national question.
- The ending of direct government broadcasting censorship of
Sinn Féin in Ireland and Britain.
- The harnessing of new support for Sinn Féin and
republicanism.
Republicans have shown that real all-party negotiations
leading to a resolution of the conflict, with Sinn Féin
playing a central role, can be brought about. But the
political will must be there on the part primarily of the
British government and also essentially of the unionists.
Only political pressure can end the present deadlock and
that is necessarily pressure from all the forces, national
and international, that nationalist Ireland can bring to
bear on the British government.
The evolution of the Sinn Féin peace strategy provided the
best hope in over 20 years for the resolution of the
conflict, the catalyst for the creation of a new political
dispensation which, it was hoped, would take the gun out of
Irish politics and ensure that no more young Irishmen or
women had to lay down their lives for freedom. Five years on
from the publication of Towards a Lasting Peace the
political landscape has changed radically. Republicans need
to be conscious of their central role in bringing that about
and their potential to create even more fundamental change
which will transform Irish society.