A year of living confidently
Brian Campbell argues that 1997 was a wonderful year for
republicans
Study the peace process a week at a time and you'll end up with
serious mood swings. Sinn Féin tops the poll in Cavan Monaghan
and you're ecstatic; Trimble and Bertie cosy up and you have
paranoid visions of doom.
Better to slow down, sit back and take the long view. Contemplate
the complexities of the political world a year at a time. If you
do, 1997 gives you a warm glow of contentment...with a hint of
danger to keep your life interesting.
Contentment is for those in Sinn Féin who will spend Christmas
considering how they have performed against the objectives they
set this time last year. By any measure, it has been a successful
year. In every election in which Sinn Féin stood they upped their
vote to record levels.
Like many republicans, my memories of those elections will be
vivid for a very long time. In particular, being among a huddled
group around a small radio in the election count centre in
Banbridge and hearing that Martin McGuinness had triumphed in
Mid-Ulster. Or a marvellous morning in Cootehill as the votes for
Caoimhghín O Caoláin poured in.
Yet more nationalist votes helped to end Unionist domination in
Belfast and made Sinn Féin the largest party for the first time
in towns such as Newry.
Even in the election in which Sinn Féin didn't stand - the
Presidential election - the result showed the resurgence of
nationalism in a way which caused that arch-enemy of Sinn Féin,
Eoghan Harris, to reconsider his future in politics.
That knockdown blow for Harris and the revisionists - when they
were told by voters in the 26 Counties that Northerners are Irish
too - was one of the clearest indicators of the most important
trend in Irish politics during 1997: nationalism and
republicanism are now confidently mainstream.
d what is most important is that that situation has been
created not by the political, media and academic elites who have
for so long dominated Irish political debate, but by the people.
Support for nationalism - a desire for a United Ireland based on
equality and social justice - is steadily growing.
Small indications are everywhere. One example: in October, a new
newspaper, Ireland on Sunday, was launched on the back of market
research which saw a gap in the market where the Sunday Press
used to be. The paper decided to push a nationalist agenda and
expected to sell 40,000 copies each week. Since its launch it has
sold around 100,000 copies every Sunday.
Votes and newspaper sales (sales of An Phoblacht have also risen
during 1997) are tangible proof of a change in mood, but
political power has also been reflected in activism on the
streets.
In the Six Counties confident nationalism has asserted itself
loud and clear at grassroots level, most decisively on the
marching issue. In a truly historic development nationalists took
to the streets in July and forced the Orange Order to cancel
contentious parades in a number of nationalist areas (see page
25). Make no mistake: times are changing.
The most public expression of the changed times was Sinn Féin's
entry into talks. The world's media saw it, quite rightly, as a
defining moment. It was also the fulfillment of a key Sinn Féin
objective - all-party talks with no preconditions. But it brought
an understandable nervousness to some quarters, including nine
resignations from Sinn Féin in North Louth.
That nervousness, I would suggest, has partly to do with the
secrecy surrounding the talks (participants are pledged to
respect a confidentiality clause so information is being leaked
to the media which is often a distortion of what is actually
happening) and partly a misreading of political realities.
The most pertinent political reality is that Nationalists are a
steadily growing force in the Six Counties. Their numbers, their
political strength and, most importantly, their confidence in
asserting that political strength in elections, against sectarian
marches.and in former bastions of Unionism such as Queen's
University are growing all the time. Sometimes republicans in the
26 Counties - and I say this in a spirit of debate - don't
appreciate the extent of that political strength nor its
potential.
Quite simply, it is impossible for a settlement to be imposed
over the heads of republicans. If you take a political journey
from Newry west along the border right round to Derry, south
through Counties Derry and Tyrone, through Lurgan, into Belfast
and include a trip to places like Castlewellan and the Glens of
Antrim you'll discover not only solid republican support but
unbeatable activists who have received an unsurpassed political
education from this struggle.
I suspect that the British government - the main players in this
- recognise the political strength of republicans. And I suspect
even more strongly that Unionists recognise it too. And it
frightens the life out of them.
But one note of warning. Our opponents tell us to reduce our
expectations. Not a bad suggestion. Definitely one we should take
on board. We can't expect things to happen as a matter of course.
That is just plain unrealistic.
Instead, republicans have to make things happen. Prison releases?
No chance unless the Saoirse campaign becomes an irresistible
force. Demilitarisation? Not unless we protest with every bit of
energy and imagination we have. Disbandment of the RUC? Only if
we make it plain just how unacceptable they are.
That is the message from 1997 to carry into the New Year. And
that is where the hint of danger lies. This struggle won't be won
inside the negotiating chamber alone. In fact, our enemies would
like nothing more than to see republicans' radical tradition of
street politics give way to the type of behind the scenes
manoeuvres favoured by constitutionalists.
If the slogan at the start of 1997 was `get into talks', at the
start of 1998 it should be, `get onto the streets'.
![[An Phoblacht]](http://republican-news.org/graphics/title_gifs/aprn.gif)