Ending discrimination - a question of political will
In advance of negotiations, Gerry Adams outlines the essential
steps which the British government must take to create a climate
of equality
Equality of treatment has long been a priority on Sinn Féin's
political agenda. Equality, an end to discrimination, the
provision of equality of opportunity are central requirements of
any stable and cohesive society. The more so in Ireland where
discrimination has been used as a tool of division and political
hegemony.
There can be no lasting political settlement without a firm
foundation of equality. This is a fundamental democratic right
which requires no negotiation; which should not and must not be
dependent on any talks process.
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It is self-evident that while legislation is clearly necessary,
of itself it is not sufficient to tackle structural inequalities.
To do that effectively there needs to be a co-ordinated and
integrated strategy involving legislation and economic and social
policies
James Connolly
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It is now thirty years since the civil rights struggle
highlighted the issue of jobs discrimination against nationalists
and Catholics. Almost 25 years ago the British government's
William Van Straubenzee told us - in the report which carried his
name - that equality of opportunity should be clearly visible in
a workforce which by and large reflects the denominational ratios
in the community as a whole. The British government, in
establishing a pattern it would pursue since then, promptly
ignored the key recommendations of the Van Straubenzee Report in
drafting the 1976 Fair Employment Act.
In similar vein they gutted the Standing Advisory Commission on
Human Rights (SACHR) review of 1987 of many of the measures it
recommended as effective tools for change. And in the interim
they put time, energies and resources into combating the Mac
Bride Principles campaign with a diligence never expended in
eradicating discrimination.
Also in the interim enough has been written, said, researched,
legislated for, brought before the courts, set up in
institutions, to create a small industry by itself. And still we
have discrimination. Still we have not realised equality of
opportunity.
d, I have to say, there is yet little evidence available to
suggest that the British government intends to take effective
action.
For instance, in the run up to the developing crisis around
Garvaghy Road in early July the British governments SACHR issued
its review of the current situation in jobs discrimination. In
the welter of media coverage around Garvaghy Road the review got
about as much political and media attention and coverage as the
Ballymurphy under-12's football final. As a result the public
political debate it should have provoked did not even get on the
political radar screen let alone disappear off it. It has
remained out of sight ever since. I am not, of course, suggesting
that the timing of the release of the report was deliberately
chosen to have that effect. Of course not. But it is important
that the issues raised in this report are subjected to such a
debate. The issue of discrimination is all too important to be
allowed to slide in this way.
We have had almost thirty years of reports and committees and
legislation and agencies on this issue. What is required and what
has ever been absent is the political will to do what is required
James Connolly
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As a general observation the most interesting thing about the
SACHR report is the sense of deja vu it produces. The report
reflects many of the proposals contained in the SACHR report of
1987 - ten years ago. Proposals which were gutted and excluded
from the Fair Employment Act which followed two years later. This
is the clearest demonstration possible of the absence of the
political will to act on this issue. Interestingly the Labour
Party, then in opposition, expressed grave concerns about this.
Conceivably now, as the party of Government, they will act to
redress the situation.
Some of the recommendations of the SACHR report which clearly
needs supported in the form of amendments to the `89 legislation
are:
- extending affirmative action to cover unemployment and
especially the long-term unemployed;
- giving the FEC a role in recruiting from the long-term
unemployed;
- extending the scope of contract compliance to include goods and
services;
- repealing the `national security exemptions' provision which in
fact is the blatant political vetting of workers;
- putting Policy Appraisal and Fair Treatment on a statutory
footing;
- ensuring that Targeting Social Need is taken seriously, ensuring
that it is implemented.
The SACHR report, if acted upon, has a positive and potentially
significant contribution to make in eradicating discrimination
and the provision of equality of opportunity.
But it is self-evident that while legislation is clearly
necessary, of itself it is not sufficient to tackle structural
inequalities. To do that effectively there needs to be a
co-ordinated and integrated strategy involving legislation and
economic and social policies.
The ending of discrimination and the pro-active and urgent
pursuit of an equality agenda is critical to building confidence
that this is a real attempt by the British government to move
forward. This is vital to any attempt to secure a just and
lasting peace.
We have had almost thirty years of reports and committees and
legislation and agencies on this issue. What is required and what
has ever been absent is the political will to do what is
required. What is required is change. Change in the short term.
Change which is sustainable. What is required is the goals and
timetables for that change. What is required is significant,
positive and lasting effect. What is required is an end to
discrimination and the provision of equality of opportunity.
The SACHR report, like others before it, has produced tools for
change. What it does not and cannot produce is the will to use
those tools. Only the British government can do that. The
injection of the ever absent political will into the equation is
their responsibility.
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